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this betrayal of ambition, were counterbalanced at this time by attempts made to assassinate him and Collot d'Herbois. Scenes of enthusiastic sympathy and favor towards him took place at the Jacobins, and emboldened him to follow up his aim of supremacy. Inferior to the committee of public safety was the committee of general surety, charged chiefly with the administration of police. From hence went forth all accusations and arrests tantamount to condemnation, which heretofore the commune had issued, but which authority had been transferred to the convention. The members of this inferior committee were ruffians even more infamous and sanguinary than Robespierre, than Collot, or Couthon himself. For these, in their massacres, had a public, or at least, a selfish end. But Vadier, Vouland, Heron, David, the wretches of the committee of general safety, seemed to have shed blood from a mere sense of the enjoyment, from an acquired and distorted taste. One of their freaks was to send to the scaffold the poor keeper of a tavern where they dined, in order to astonish him, and observe how he would look mounting the scaffold in his white apron. Either these acts disgusted Robespierre, or their encroachments gave him umbrage. He accordingly opened a bureau, or office of police, in the committee of public safety itself, where he himself sat, thus superseding the inferior committee in their functions. They became his enemies in consequence, and leagued with Collot d'Herbois, and Billaud Varrennes, to thwart and overthrow him. Robespierre's mania for becoming prophet soon afforded them the opportunity they sought. There was in Paris, at this time, a woman similar to our Joanna Southcote, either persuaded or pretending that she was to give birth to a Savior. Her name was Cathe rine Théot, and she called herself, the mother of God. A certain Don Gerle, who had been a monk, was her prophet; only her second prophet, however; Robespierre was the first. The extent of the arch-Jacobin's connexion with this woman is not known. Perhaps he was merely flattered by the divine honors reserved for him; perhaps he hoped to turn his proph etship to political advantage. Certain it is, that he gave Don Gerle a certificate of civism, then a passport of protection, signed with his own hand: and letters were found from Catherine Théot addressed to him. The committee of public safety took up the pretended mother of God and her congregation. Robespierre in vain interfered to release them and stop their trial. Vadier was employed to draw up a report in which he adroitly accused Robespierre, though not by name, of having been a convert to such absurd and dangerous superstitions Barrère aided Vadier in this task.

1794.

PARTY AGAINST ROBESPIERRE.

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Already, since the day of the fête to the Supreme Being, there had been skirmishes in the convention betwixt Robes pierre and some of the old Mountainists, who showed an inclination to form an opposition. Amongst them were Bourdon, Tallien, Fouché, Barras. With these now united the malcontents of the two committees. The report of Vadier was publicly read, despite the efforts of Robespierre. He retired indignant from the convention, and the committee; thus imitating the false step of Danton, and leaving his friends, Couthon and St. Just, to strive alone against Collot, Billaud and Barrère. In the Jacobins, however, Robespierre continued still paramount. Possessed of them, the organ of popularity, and of the municipal force under Henriot, he thought he might defy the convention. He retired from it, meaning thereby to convey a warning and a menace. But convention and committee continued their labor, the party in opposition gathering numbers, consistency, and force for the struggle that was approaching. The Jacobin tyrant was reported to demand the heads of half the assembly, and much more than half were terrified in consequence, and alarmed into resistance. He took counsel with his immediate friends. The more furious pressed him to seize his antagonists on his own individual authority. But this appeared to him too bold a step; it would alienate the armies. An insurrection in form, another 31st of May, appeared the preferable mode. But he hoped to obviate even the necessity of this by intimidation.

The Jacobins were accordingly worked up to a proper pitch of excitement, and on the 25th of July, the 7th Thermidor, a menacing petition-a similar one had preceded the 31st of May-was presented to the convention. It was received in silence. The members feared alike to reprobate or applaud. On the following day, Robespierre appeared, ascended the Tribune, and developed in a speech of many hours the conduct of his whole political life, his aims, his wrongs, his forbearance towards the convention, but at the same time his determination to uphold the revolution. In plain language, what he meant to utter was this: I am in a minority, both in the legislature and the government, and the convention, and the committees. Restore me to my influence, or ——— There ensued a considerable tumult in the assembly. Billaud and Vadier each defended himself. Panis accused Robespierre of prepar ing lists of proscriptions in the Jacobin club, more especially against Fouché. Bourdon at length proposed instead of ordering the speech to be printed, to refer it to the committees. "That is to my enemies," exclaimed the dictator. "Name hem whom you accuse," was the reply; in other words,

"Tell us how many heads you demand." Had Robespierre had the courage at this moment to designate a dozen of his enemies, and prove at the same time his cordiality with the rest, the twelve would most probably have been sacrificed, and the tyrant still upheld in his reign. He refused to name his victims; and as each believed himself on the fatal list, the only safety was in resistance.

The morrow, 9th Thermidor, proved decisive. The night was spent by both parties in making preparations for the struggle. When the sitting opened, St. Just got possession of the tribune, and, under pretence of reading a report, commenced a denunciation. He had already uttered the name of Tallien, when that deputy rose to order, asserting that St. Just, having not consulted with the committee, had no right to read the report. "Let us at once tear asunder the veil," said Tallien, commencing his attack. But Billaud-Varennes, as member of the committee, and more entitled than Tallien to denounce, interrupted Tallien, and assumed the lead against Robespierre. He told the assembly that the Jacobins had sworn yesterday to slaughter the convention, and that their only hope consisted in firmness. He then launched out into a ferocious philippic against Robespierre, who rushed to the tribune to answer. But universal cries of "Down with the tyrant !" drowned his voice, and prevented him from being heard. Tallien succeeded Billaud, already triumphant. The refusal to hear Robespierre presaged his fall. Yesterday," said Tallien, "I was present at the meeting of the Jacobins, and I shuddered for my country. There I saw forming the army of the new Cromwell, and I armed myself with a poniard to pierce his breast (Tallien showed the weapon) in case the convention had not courage to pass the decree of accusation." Tallien then proposed the arrest of Henriot, and that the assembly should sit in permanence until the menaced insurrection was put down, and the guilty seized. This was passed with acclamation. Robespierre, at the foot of the tribune all this time, tried to gain possession of it, begged to be heard, and foamed at the mouth in frenzy of exertion and despair. But the assembly would not hear him. Barrère at length got up. It is said that he had in his pocket two speeches, one for, one against, Robespierre. Seeing the state of feeling, he produced and spoke the latter. It defended the committees, and accused the tyrant, Tallien again followed. It is remarkable, that in all this rage, this ample theme of denunciation against so manifest a tyrant, there was no eloquence, no overwhelming force of accusation. As guilty themselves as Robespierre, Billaud and Tallien dared not tax him with his crimes. The

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fears of the convention, however, gave it en rgy. They dreaded even to listen to Robespierre, lest they should be more awed by his voice than by his vengeance. In vain he asked to be heard. He turned to all sides of the assembly; clamors answered him. "President of assassins," cried he, "for the last time I ask the liberty to speak. His voice and his strength here failed him. "The blood of Danton stifles thee,' observed a member. "Ha! 'tis Danton you would avenge, replied he snatching at the least advantage. His arrest was now unanimously decreed. Robespierre the younger started up, and demanded to be included in the decree; Couthon, St. Just, and Lebon were also added. They were ordered to the bar, and descended with imprecations; but not a huissier, or officer of the house, could be found bold enough to take the dreaded men into arrest. At length some gendarmerie were procured to take charge of them.

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The debate had lasted all day, and the arrest was not pronounced till evening. The mayor and commune remained in suspense, but Henriot collected his gendarmerie, and refused to obey the order of the convention depriving him of the command. The keepers of the several prisons were in the same interest; they refused to receive the arrested members, who were rescued and conveyed to the Hôtel de Ville. Thus were the two rival powers each in its head-quarters; the convention at the Tuilleries, Robespierre and his friends at the commune. Each was in possession of a certain part of the armed force; but so feeble, that it seemed impossible to strike a decisive blow on that night. Robespierre was grievously disappointed in finding that the rabble had not flocked to his standard. Henriot tried in vain to raise the fauxbourgs; but this could only be done by a certain low class of agitators, such as the Anarchists and the Cordelier club united and held in pay. In crushing these, Robespierre had destroyed the instruments, and the officers in fact, of insurrection, and no aid was hence to be obtained. Here then was his blunder. In ruining the mob party, he had cut away his own support. The commune, however, had some reliance on the sections, and the national guard attached to them. But the convention, dispatching two of its members to each section, proved more active than the commune, or than Robespierre, who was stupified rather than excited to exertion by this his final peril. Henriot, too, was an unfit, a drunken commander. He had been seized in the evening at the palace of the convention, and afterwards liberated by his friends. His approach had thrown the assembly in a panic, and they had voted to die at their posts. On recovering from their fears, they appointed

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Barras general, and other deputies to act under his command. The sections answered the appeal of the convention. None but the cannoniers adhered to the commune; and these were shaken in their firmness by emissaries who penetrated amongst then, and acquainted them with the decree outlawing the Robespierres and their party. The apathy of the populace, the want of spirit in the leaders, who scarcely showed themselves, but remained in secret and irresolute council, contributed to the defection of the cannoniers, the greater part of whom drew off at length, and abandoned the Hôtel de Ville. Thus, about midnight, when the force under the orders of the convention surrounded the Hôtel and occupied the place, there was scarcely a sign of resistance. Even within the doors, in the mansion and stronghold of the commune, there was as little opposition. A few gendarmes were able to make their way up the staircases, and to surprise the conspirators.

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There is considerable diversity in the narratives of their final capture. A gendarme, named Meda, was most instrumental. In the account which he has written, the whole credit is assigned to him. It was he who first seized Henriot, who commanded the attack, and who first rushed amongst the conspirators, shooting Robespierre through the jaw with a pistol, and slaying another who resisted. Meda's account is, however, set aside by both Thiers and Mignet, although the deputies of the convention attributed to him the chief honors of the attack, and although the assembly voted him thanks. According to the prevailing account, Henriot was thrown from a window, from which young Robespierre also flung himself. Robespierre the elder discharged a pistol at his own head, which, however, took effect but in the jaw. St. Just and Couthon were sent to the Conciergerie. Robespierre was conveyed to the committee-room of public safety, the hall of his reign, laid on the table on which he had signed so many death-warrants, and left there to await his fate.

Their outlawry rendering trial unnecessary, they were executed on the following day. Robespierre never spoke after his capture, despite the host of questions put, and imprecations heaped upon him. He died, as well as St. Just, with the wonted courage of the time in facing death. His brother and Henriot were decapitated also, though already expiring from the effects of their fall. Simon, the cobbler, and barbarous tutor of the unfortunate son of Louis the Sixteenth, was executed also. At this time the acclamations and applause of the more respectable citizens were heard mingling with those of the rabble round the fatal scaffold.