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M. Carnot here again asserts the efficacy of vertical fire, to answer this obvious inference-that if the counterguard is not occupied, the besiegers may easily carry it by assault, and establish themselves upon it. He says that this cannot be done, on account, chiefly, of vertical fire; but we have shown that if he resorts to this mode of defence, he cannot occupy the escarpe-wall or saliant of the bastion either; and if so, the besiegers may not only take the counterguard, but proceed, without loss of time, to the attack of the bastion. We shall here say no more on the subject of sorties, but refer the reader to the plan. All the works-all the exterior debouches and ditches from which sorties can proceed, are, at this stage of the siege, under all sorts of fire. The passages between the ends of the demi-lunes and the faces of the counterguards are enfiladed and flanked from the different lodgments on the saliants of the glacis. The flanks of the attack are well secured against sorties from the adjoining fronts. The second parallel is appuyed upon redoubts, and covered from being turned, by being outflanked by the first place of arins. The third parallel is connected with the second by trenches of defence, or places of arms, flanked by the adjoining faces of the redoubts. The couronnement of the glacis is also covered in flank by the places of arms connecting batteries 11 and 13 at one extremity, and 12 and 14 at the other; and there is absolutely nothing in the proposed attack, bearing upon the question of making sorties, that should overturn the general principles already established by long experience as the governing considerations which should be consulted, and which it has been shown are not at all connected with any principles of construction.

When the couronnement of the glacis is completed, and the counterbatteries established, the position of the besiegers would be found still more capable of defeating and punishing the sorties; for the counter-slope forms a good oldfashioned glacis to the besieger's trenches on its crest, and gives them all the advantages of a covered-way and glacis opposed to the place;advantages surrendered to them for a very defective, and, in some cases, dangerous substitution, which saves the monstrous difficulties and labor attending the descent into the ditch, and enables the besiegers to cover the passage of it from batteries placed on the crest of (to them) a glacis proper.

M. Carnot mentions repeatedly, tne defence of Grave, in 1674, as a brilliant instance of protracted defence arising entirely from the effects of continual sorties; and supports his opinion of the advantages of a glacis en contrepente by stating, that the chief cause which contributed to the success of those enterprises of active defence which took place at Grave, was, precisely, that the place had nether counterscarp revetment, traverses, nor other obstacles in the covered-way;' and consequently that sorties were made with facility. It is proper therefore that we should look narrowly into the circumstances attending this siege, to see how far they confirm the theory which M. Carnot has endeavoured to establish upon it.

M. Rabenhaupt was detached by the prince of Orange, with about 11,000 men, to besiege Grave, in which there was a garrison of 4000 men commanded by M. Chamily, an officer already distinguished by his conduct at Candia and in Portugal.

The investing force required to attack a place such as Grave, containing a garrison of 4000 men, should not be under 21,000 men, at the very least. This is the very lowest calculation that can be made consistently with the number of troops required to furnish working parties, guard the trenches, and provide for camp and line duties.

The force required for guarding the trenches should not be less than three-fourths of the strength of the garrison, and unless this be observed the works of attack will be continually exposed to interruption, and perhaps to destruction, by sorties. Now, what sufficient appropriation of force to these several duties could M. Rabenhaupt have made with 11,000 men? The proportion required for line, camp, and other duties, is generally rated at, and cannot well be under, one-tenth of the whole. This taken at three reliefs is Working parties, at least 1200 men, taken at three reliefs, is

Which taken from

3300

3600

6900 11,000

4100

Leaves, for guarding the trenches, &c. . This, taken at three reliefs, only furnishes 1366 men to oppose sorties which, no doubt, were made with 3000 men; and in the above calculation no allowance is made for sickness or casualties, and all the duty taken at three reliefs, which no troops could stand but for a very short service, in very fine weather.

It appears, therefore, that M. Rabenhaupt attacked the place with means so insufficient as necessarily to expose himself to all that occurred, even had he been opposed to a less enterprising officer. This, indeed, is admitted as the cause of the protracted defence, by the very historian who celebrates the event. M. Quincy, in his Histoire Militaire de Louis XIV., vol. i. page 387, says that from the frequency of the sorties it was difficult to pronounce whether M. Rabenhaupt was the assailant or the defender; which showed the general the error he had committed in having flattered himself that he could reduce the place with the small force which had been given him.'

M. Carnot is in error as to what he advances respecting there having been no traverses in the covered-way, or other exterior obstacles at Grave. The Histoire du Corps Impérial du Génie informs us, page 114, that M. de Chamilly, certain of being attacked, had perfected all the works-thickened and reveted the parapetsmade bomb-proof magazines under the ramparts

placed a double row of palisades, barriers, and traverses, in the covered-way;' and that he opposed all sorts of exterior obstacles to the 'cheminemens de l'ennemi.' This differs very materially from M. Carnot's account. It shows that the usual defensive obstacles of a regular covered

way do not prevent active defence by sorties, the trenches and epaulements are made across when circumstances of relative force and other the ditch. These trenches should be fitted as considerations, justify their being undertaken; places of arms to oppose sorties. The progress and so far are the real circumstances of this of the attack is not marked on the plan, further siege from holding it up as a splendid example than the occupation of the counterguard and the to show, generally, the vast advantages, and en- passage of the ditch, not to deface the fortififorce the propriety, of making continual sorties, cations. it appears, that the attack was a very condemnable attempt with a force that could not hold out any fair prospect of success. It is well known that, when the prince of Orange was obliged to raise the siege of Oudenarde, he marched to Grave with the Dutch contingent, and that M. Chamilly's garrison had been so much reduced in the sorties it had made, that the place soon surrendered, although its defences were not much injured. The terms granted to the garrison were such as were due to brave men who had done their duty in chastising, with vigor and spirit, a rash attempt made upon their fortress, but who surrendered to a force which made any further resistance vain and hopeless.

We now proceed with the attack. Batteries 17 and 18 are constructed to countcrbatter the faces of the collateral bastions; 16 and 19, against the faces of the bastion attacked: bat teries 20 and 21 counterbatter the acting faces of the cavaliers, which it must be recollected have already been ricoched by batteries 13 and

14.

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Without ascribing any superior degree of efficacy to the fire of the batteries by which the faces of the demi-lunes will have been ricoched, there can be no doubt that they may easily be taken by assault. We have, indeed, the admission of the author for asserting that troops occupying them would suffer so dreadfully as to be incapable of defending them.-He admits, expressly, page 492, that the demi-lunes are so much exposed to stones and ricochets, that troops eannot remain in them.' The form given to the cavaliers for the purpose of strengthening their saliants, shows that they are designed to prevent lodgments from being established on the demilunes; but the batteries 13 and 14 counterbatter these saliants, whilst 20 and 21 take them in flank and in reverse; and, as the command of the cavalier prevents the salients of the demi-lunes from being seen from the intercepted parts of the retrenchment and faussebraye, we may assert that the besiegers will not experience much difficulty in establishing themselves on the saliants of the demi-lunes, as shown in plate VII.

These lodgments should not be much extended at present; it will be sufficient to occupy the saliant of the rampart with a good, solid, lodgment, commanding the interior of the work; and particularly observing the spaces between the ends of counterguards, and the faces of the cavaliers, by which only the troops for the retours offensifs can come forth.

It will now be necessary for the besieged to show which mode of defence he means to adopt for the counterguards and bastions;-whether he intends to defend them de pied ferme, or by vertical fire-both he cannot use. If he prefer the latter, the besiegers should assault the counterguard and form a lodgment on it, as soon as

A mine will then be made in the saliant of the counterguard. If it be countermined, as M. Carnot suggests, then a war of mines' will ensue; but the result will be, that the saliant of the work will be demolished by one, or other, or both parties; and thus the main obstacle removed which M. Carnot admits, page 480, "is so indispensable to cover the escarpe-wall of the bastion. If a war of mines should not be resorted to, the besiegers should drive a gallery perpendicularly through one of the faces of the counterguard, on a level with the ditch, as soon as a lodgment is made on the crest of the work. The labor attending this operation is much less than in making the usual galleries of descent into a ditch. The length of a gallery through M. Carnot's counterguard is about ten toises: the galleries of descent into the ditch of an ordinary place are about eighteen toises each.

When the counterbatteries and epaulements in the ditches are finished, the position of the besiegers on the crest of the glacis en contrepente would be so formidable, that we do not see how it is possible for the besieged to make sorties. The only debouches from which they can issue to attack, directly, the works of the besiegers, are exposed to two double tiers of enfilade and flank fire: for batteries 20 and 21 look directly into the spaces between the ends of the demi-lunes and the faces of the counterguard; and the countersloped glacis enables these batteries to fire over the epaulements in the ditch, and to combine their fire with that of the troops lodged in these works; for a shot fired from battery 20 to the bottom of the exterior slope of the cavalier, passes eight feet over the crest of the epaulement. A sortie issuing from either of these debouches would also be exposed to batteries 16 or 19, and to the epaulements in front of them, as soon as the enemy's troops appear; so that no sortie can come forth from these debouches without being exposed to a quadruple line of fire, under a continuation of which they would then have a very formidable line of connected places of arms, to attack.

The debouches from the other sides of the demi-lunes are under fire of the batteries 17 and 18, and the corresponding epaulements respectively; and the position of the besiegers opposite to these outlets is no less formidable than the other.

From the counterguard the besiegers proceed into the ditch of the bastion, in which strong epaulements are constructed to cover the passage, and to oppose sorties from the opposite debouche. If the saliant of the counterguard has been destroyed, or even much lowered, the saliant of the escarpe-wall may be wholly or partially breached by the battery 22. If the counterguard be entire, the saliant of the escarpewall will be destroyed by mine. M. Carnot

asserts, that should the besiegers even succeed in opening the counterguard, and in breaching the escarpe-wall, it would nevertheless be impossible for them to assault the bastion, because the columns of attack would be taken in both flanks by sorties from the ditch of the bastion, and by the chemin-des-rondes;-turned and cut off by great sorties issuing from the glacis en contrepente. But it is evident that, whenever the saliant of the escarpe-wall is breached, both branches of the chemin-des-rondes may be enfiladed from the lodgments on the counterguard; or, if only a few feet of the top of the wall were knocked down, that the remote ends of the chemin-des-rondes would be so much exposed as to prevent the besieged from re-occupying them, when, ceasing their vertical fire, they send forth their corps d'élite,' as M. Carnot states, to chase away the debris of the assailant's columns. It may indeed reasonably be expected that, when the lodgments on the counterguards are formed, the escarpe-wall will be found to have received very material injury from the ricochet batteries; and the chemin-des-rondes be much encumbered, and perhaps rendered impassable in many places, by fragments of masonry, and rubbish from the slopes of the work, which the ricochet fire will have beaten off, and rolled down into the hollow space. With respect to the sorties to be made in the main ditch, to take the columns of assault in both flanks,' the attack has provided against such enterprises, by lodgments and epaulements which oppose them with double tiers of fire, and against which the troops would have to advance in narrow columns, presenting their alinements to these batteries. As to the large sorties issuing from the glacis en contrepente, to turn or cut off the assailants, M. Carnot must have aimed this observation at such assaults as might be inprudently made before a complete lodgment should be established on the crest of the covered-way; and to have fancied, throughout, that his system would be attacked in the saine spirit of rash bravery and 'brute force,'-disregard of science and human life, as that in which the defensive scheme has been conceived.

A lodgment should now be made on the saliant of the bastion, either by assault, or by sapping up the exterior slope. Battery 15 will cover this operation by throwing shells into the interior of the work; and the howitzer-batteries 9 and 10 will participate, first by a heavy fire on the saliant and faces of the bastion; and, during the assault, by throwing shells into the interior of the bastion and upon the battery on

the circular portion of the retrenchment général. According to M. Carnot's doctrine, the actual assault of the breach will be opposed by vertical fire: so long therefore as the batterie de gorge continues to throw vertical fire, the assailants are safe from 'coups de main;' for no part of the interior of the bastion can then be occupied by the besieged. When the fire ceases, they may be expected. This is what M. Carnot calls reversing the character of the operations of a siege: it does so; and brings the alternation to this-that the besieged must now move forward, à découvert, from the gorge of the bastion, under a great profusion of all sorts of vertical fire, to attack the besiegers lodged on its saliant; for it is clear that the batteries which we have enumerated may play upon the interior of the bastion during the assault, and also whilst the besiegers its saliant. This lodgment being formed, the are establishing and defending their ledgment on mode of further proceeding will depend upon the condition in which the besiegers find the circular portion of the escarpe-wall. If, as may reasonably be expected, it is much ruined, there will be little to apprehend from the batteries blindées. The most formidable battery is that against which therefore every piece of ordnance on the circular portion of the retrenchment, that can be brought to bear should be directed. The mortar-howitzer-battery 15-all the guns of 13 and 14-the howitzer-batteries 7, 8, 9, and 10, may all combine in various degrees; and under the influence of such a mass of fire there can be no doubt that a lodgment may be formed in the saliant of the bastion; when the guns of battery 22 will be brought up to arm a battery established there. This will soon complete the ruin of the scarp-wall: the interior of the casemates will then be completely exposed; and the barricades in the postern, being seen through the central casemate, may then be broken open and destroyed. But it is evident that the place can oppose no further effectual resistance, after a lodgment in the bastion is established: for, as soon as the escarpe-wall is ruined, the casemates useful to the assailants in the assault of the rebecome untenable, and may then prove extremely trenchment, by the cover they afford to preparatory dispositions: and the chemins-des-rondes being gained from the back of the casemates, columns of attack may circulate in them, to turr the troops opposing the direct assault of the sa liant.

FORTIFIED ISLAND, an island in the Eastern Sea, lying about a mile from the coast of Canara, nearly opposite to Onore. Its name is derived from its fortifications, which were greatly strengthened by Tippoo Saib, from whom it was taken, in 1792, by three British frigates, when it contained a garrison of 200 men, and mounted thirty-four pieces of cannon. Cocoa-nut trees, palms and plantations, are produced here. It is about a mile in circuit. Long. 74° 27′ E., lat.

14° 16' N.

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Of patience and heroick martyrdom Unsung. Milton. Paradise Lost. Fortitude is the guard and support of the other virtues; and without courage, a man will scarce keep steady to his duty, and fill up the character of a truly worthy man. Locke.

They thought it reasonable to do all possible honour to the memories of martyrs; partly that others might be encouraged to the same patience and fortitude, and partly that virtue, even in this world, might not lose its reward. Nelson.

FORTNIGHT, n. s. Contracted rom fourteen nights, Sax. feopretýne night. It was the custom of the ancient northern nations to count

time by nights: thus we say, this day seven-
night. So Tacitus, Non dierum numerum, ut
nos, sed noctium computant.-Johnson. The
space of two weeks.

And certes, Lord! to abiden your presence,
Here in this temple of the goddesse Clemence
We han ben waiting all this fourtenight;
Now helpe us Lord! sin it lieth in thy might.

Chaucer. The Knightes Tale. Hanging on a deep well, somewhat above the water, for some fortnight's space, is an excellent means of making drink fresh and quick.

Bacon.

She would give her a lesson for walking so late, that should make her keep within doors for one fortnight. Sidney. About a fortnight before I had finished it, his majesty's declaration for liberty of conscience came abroad. Dryden.

the town of Inverness.' It is now but a small
town, and owes its consequence principally to an
academy, under the direction of a rector and two
masters. The salaries arise from the accumula-
tion of a bequest of 1800 marks Scots in 1669,
by a Mr. Thomas Forbes, bailie of Fortrose.
Here are still some small remains of the ancient
cathedral; part of it being used as a court-house,
with the vaulted prisons below; and another
part as the burying place of the family of Mac-
kenzie. There is a regular ferry between this
place and Fort George. Fortrose lies six miles
south-west of Cromarty, and nine north-east of
Inverness.

FORTUITOUS, adj.
FORTUITOUSLY, adv.
FORTUITOUSNESS, n. s.
ing by chance.

Fr. fortuit; Lat. fortuitus. AccidenStal; casual; happen

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I am most fortunate thus accidentally to encounter you: you have ended my business, and I will merrily Shakspeare. Coriolanus. accompany you home.

O me, said she, whose greatest fortunateness is more unfortunate than my sister's greatest unfortunateness. Sidney.

He sighed; and could no but their fate deplore,
So wretched now, so fortunate before. Dryden.
No, there is a necessity in fate
Why still the brave bold man is fortunate:
He keeps his object ever full in sight.
And that assurance holds him firm and right:
True, 'tis a narrow path that leads to bliss,
Fear makes them look aside, and so their footing
But right before there is no precipice;

miss.

Id.

Prior.

Bright Eliza ruled Britannia's state,
And boldly wise, and fortunately great.
FORTUNATE ISLANDS, in ancient geography,
certain islands, concerning the situation of which
authors are not agreed, famous in mythology for
the golden apples of the Hesperides.
common opinion is, that they are the Canary
Islands.

FORTUNE, n. s. & v. n.`
FORTUNED, adj.

The

He often had it in his head, but never, with much apprehension, 'till about a fortnight before. Swift. FORTROSE, a town of Scotland, in Rossshire, on the Frith of Moray, nearly opposite to Fort George. It is composed of the ancient royal borough of Rosemarkie, and Chanonry, Fr. fortune; Lat. where the bishop of Ross resided; now the seat fortuna; from fors, of the presbytery. Though the latter of these is FOR TUNE-BOOK, N. S. chance. The power about a mile west from the former, they were FOR TUNE-HUNTER, n. s. supposed to distriunited by a charter from king James II. in 1444, FORTUNETELL, V. n. bute the lots of life under the common name of Fort Ross, now FORTUNETELLER, N. S. according to her softened into Fortrose; and this charter was ra- own humor; the good or ill that befalls man; tified by James VI. in 1592, who again confirmed success good or bad; estate; possessions. To it with greater immunities in 1612. These char- fortune, to befall; to fall out; to come to pass ters entitled the borough to the privileges, casually. Fortuned, lucky; supplied by forliberties, and immunities, heretofore granted to tune. The word as used in composition cannot

VOL. IX.

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be misunderstood. Fortunétell, is to foretell events in the lives of individuals: a fortuneteller is one who pretends to this power: a fortune-book is the book which contains the art of fortunetelling, or that is consulted by the impostor who undertakes the task of unveiling futurity. A fortune-hunter means, in common parlance, a man whose employment is to enquire after women with great portions, to enrich himself by marrying them.

Lo! who may trust on Fortune any throw? For him that folweth all this world of pres, Or he be ware, is oft ylaid ful lowe: Ful wise is he that can himselven knowe Beth ware; for whan that Fortune list to glose, Than waiteth she hire man to overthrowe, By swiche a way as he wold lest suppose. Chaucer. The Monkes Tale.

It fortuned, as fair it then befel
Behind his back, unweeting, where he stood,
Of ancient time there was a springing well,
From which fast trickled forth a silver flood.
Spenser. Faerie Queene.

Fortune, that arrant whore,
Ne'er turns the key to the poor.
Shakspeare. King Lear.
If thou do'st,

And this instructs thee, thou do'st make thy way

To noble fortunes.

Not the' imperious shew

Of the full fortuned Cæsar ever shall

Be brooked with me.

Id.

Id. Antony and Cleopatra. I'll conjure you, I'll fortunetell you.

I'll tell you as we pass along,

He tipples palmestry, and dines

On all her fortunetelling lines.

Cleaveland. You who mens fortunes in their faces read, To find out mine, look not, alas, on me :

But mark her face, and all the features heed: For only there is writ my destiny. Cowley's Mist. The gypsies were to divide the money got by stealWalton's Angler. ing linen, or by fortunetelling.

Of many who say they do not believe in fortunetelling, I have known few on whom it had not a very sensible effect. Mackenzie.

This terrestrial globe has been surrounded by the fortune and boldness of many navigators. Temple. No, he shall eat, and die with me, or live; Our equal crimes shall equal fortune give.

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Dryden.

Whom heaven has chose to fight for such a prize.

Id.

Id.

Id

But tell me, Tityrus, what heavenly power Preserved your fortunes in that fatal hour? The fate which governs poets thought it fit He should not raise his fortunes by his wit. We must, however, distinguish between fortunehunters and fortunestealers. Spectator.

The adequate meaning of chance, as distinguished from fortune, is that the latter is understood to befal only rational agents, but chance to be among inanimate bodies. Bentley. He was younger son to a gentleman of a good birth, but small fortune. Swift.

When Miss delights in her spinnet,
A fiddler may a fortune get.

Id.

His father dying, he was driven to London to seek

Shakspeare.

Id.

his fortune.

That you will wonder what hath fortuned. They brought one Pinch, a hungry lean-faced viilain

A thread-bare juggler, and a fortuneteller.

die.

Id.

A Welchman being at a sessions-house, and seeing the prisoners hold up their hands at the bar, related to some of his acquaintance that the judges were good fortunetellers; for if they did but look upon their hand, they could certainly tell whether they should live or Bacon's Apophthegms. Fortune is like the market, where many times, if you can stay a little, the price will fall; and, again, it is sometimes like a Sibylla's offer, which at first offereth the commodity at full, then consumeth part and part, and still holdeth up the price.

Lord Bacon.

An alchemist spends his fortunes to find out the philosopher's stone forsooth, cure all diseases, make men long-lived, victorious, fortunate, invisible, and beggars himself, misled by those seducing impostos (which he shall never attain) to make gold. Burton. Anat. Mel. Thrice, oh, thrice happy shepherd's life and state, When courts are happiness, unhappy pawns: His cottage low, and safely humble gate Shuts out proud Fortune, with her scorns and fawns: No feared treason breaks his quiet sleep: Singing all day, his flocks he learns to keep; Himself as innocent as are his simple sheep. Fletcher's Purple Island. Thou knowest a face, in whose each look Beauty lays ope love's fortunebook ;

On whose fair revolutions wait

The obsequious motions of love's fate.

Crashaw.

Here, while his canting drone-pipe scanned The mystick figures of her hand,

Id.

Id.

Long ago a fortuneteller Exactly said what now befell her. My lord, I am no boaster of my love, Nor of my attributes; I have shared your splendour, And will partake your fortunes.

Byron. Sardanapalus.

FORTUNE, TUXn, a name which among the ancients seems to have denoted a principle of fortuity, whereby things came to pass without being necessitated thereto : but what and whence that principle is, they do not seem to have ever precisely defined. Hence their philosophers often intimate that men only framed the phantom Fortune to hide their ignorance, and that they call Fortune whatever befals a man without his knowing for what purpose. Hence Juvenal, Sat. x., affirms, they were men who made a deity of Fortune:

Nullum numen abest si sit prudentia. Nos te Nos facimus, Fortuna, Deam, cæloque locamus. And Mr. Spence says, that he has seen an ancient gem in which Cybele, the mother of the gods, is represented as turning away her head from Fortune, in attitude of disowning and rejecting her. In the opinion of the heathen, therefore, fortune was only the arrival of things in a sudden and unexpected manner, without any apparent cause or reason: so that the philosophical sense of the word coincides with what is vulgarly called chance. But in religion it had a farther force; altars and temples in great numbers were consecrated to Fortune, as a deity. Hence that beautiful ode of Horace beginning

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