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daunted, as the Dutch incident clearly dares call his soul his own, and all pardemonstrates.
liamentary action either in the sections The Venezuelan explanation of the or in the National Assembly is characsurprising tameness of the American terized by a most suspicious unanimity. Government in the asphalt disputes With Castro, as with his various fellow with Venezuela, and of a similar spirit despots in the neighboring countries, of forbearance on the part of the the exercise of public power is a perFrench Government in its dispute sonal business for personal ends. All about the Franco-Venezuelan cable, is the industries that are susceptible of it that Castro holds documents that are converted into grinding monopolies, would fix most unsavory responsibil- which are given to the favorites and ities influential American and accomplices in the work of spoliation, French politicians. Hinc illae lacri- and the rights thus granted are viomae. Some Dutch official has been lated whenever it suits Castro's conreported as saying that the time has venience, even though they be held by come to decide whether Castro or the foreigners, as was proved by the reoutraged conscience of the civilized cent repeal of the match and salt moworld is to prevail. That is the rub. nopolies owned in England. The result Who is to bell the cat, even in the ab- of all this to the welfare of the people sence of the pretended damning docu- may be easily imagined; yet the people ments held by Castro? The rivalries can do nothing: they are absolutely and antagonisms of interests and ambi- helpless, for Castro has the army with tions amongst the Great Powers, and him, and the army is the one decisive the touchiness of the United States in element of government in countries like all matters affecting Latin America, are Venezuela. a bulwark of protection for Castro,
We will mention one more anomaly who knows wherein his own strength in this tangle of incomprehensible solies, and acts accordingly.
cial and political conditions. It is true As regards his own people it is to be that Castro is hated by the people of assumed that they are not happy. Cas- Venezuela; it is true that at home the tro is a despot, and as irresponsible slightest sign of discontent, or of reand unscrupulous as ever despot was. monstrance, would be heavily punished; He maintains some semblance of con- it is true that the only newspapers alstitutional government in the outward lowed are those that sing exclusively form. The country is divided into fed- hymns of praise of Castro, of his great. eral sections, so-called sovereign states, ness, of his ability, of his magnanimas is the United States of America; ity; yet, were Venezuela attacked in there are State Legislatures and a Na- earnest by a foreign Power, Castro tional Congress, but there is no Gor- would at once find himself acclaimed ernor of a state, nor member of the as the hero of the national defence. Legislatures or of the Congress, either What is to be the end of it all? in the Upper or the Lower House, who
The Saturday Review.
THE PLEASURES OF WASTE.
Some people take a pleasure in appetites than his own. It is, however, waste. It gives them a momentary more than unlikely that such esprit de but distinct sense of happiness to waste corps explains the frequency of the ofsomething, and the delight of wasting fence, for this is not the only instance figures largely in youthful dreams of in which the tramping class display prosperity. “Enough money to throw their love of waste. They will beg imaway!" The phrase expresses literally portunately of cottagers who they many men's notion of desirable riches, know cannot afford to give them It is very unreasonable, if one thinks money, but who often do not like to of it, to wish for more money than we refuse food, and then when they have desire to use, give, or leave; but hu- got what perhaps the giver can ill spare man nature is unreasonable, and hoard- they throw it away. Whether it gives ing and wasting both seem instinctive them a momentary sense of affluence in many natures. Some children show to feel that they have got more than a love of destruction for which it is they want, or whether the wasteful act impossible to account, and others a is but an expression of that lawlessness keenness in adding to any form of col- which finds a further and even more lection, though of the least attractive repulsive expression in abstinence from object, which is equally incomprehen- the good custom of ablution, it is imsible. We do not, of course, consider possible to say. Wherever ostentation that a man takes pleasure in wasting comes in the pleasure derivable from who deliberately calculates that certain waste is in part explained; but even economies, though desirable in them- then it is not altogether comprehenselves, are not worth the expenditure sible. That a man should be proud of of time and thought necessary to carry his wealth we can all understand, and them out. The majority of English- that he should seize upon the readiest 'men, each in his separate sphere, have method of displaying it is natural come to this conclusion. A man may enough; but how can we account for set a very false value upon his own the fact that his dependents like to time, and grudge thought to his ex- watch him doing it? One could readily penditure which might better be given believe that the sight of waste should to it; but neither of these mistakes produce bitterness in persons of small proves that he is capable of the strange means whose work in life obliged them sense of enjoyment which we are dis- to watch it, but it seems incredible tha: cussing,-a sensation common among it should produce admiration. It is un. the low-minded and not unknown deniable, however, that a great many among very high-minded people.
domestic servants think more of their We have been told that it is not un- employers because they waste, and peocommon for casual paupers in the vari- ple who would not steal a pin take a ous workhouses to insist upon having pleasure in systematic improvidence. the last crumb of bread allowed by the Perhaps it is possible in a roundabout law, though they cannot eat it. It manner to connect this feeling with a gives them positive pleasure that the good quality. Servants identify themfood should be wasted. Perhaps a selves with their employers in an adcierer “casual" might reply to this ac- mirably loyal manner, and are pleased cusation that he is merely guarding the when the glory of the householder glorights of future paupers with larger rities the household, and the sad thing
is that their conception of what reflects honor should be so mistaken. Love of power, and admiration fór power in the abstract, are inevitable. Money gives power, and vulgar people enjoy and admire it as displayed in waste, just as wicked people do in cruelty. Possibly, also, the bringing up of servants too often leads them to connect economy with poverty, and poverty with squalor. Sometimes in their delight at being rid of the last they thoughtlessly banish the first. Employers not seldom descant upon the difficulty of persuading servants to care for their masters' goods as they would care for their own. But it has to be remembered that in the eyes of a wasteful servant there is something ideal about the ability to waste. He treats his employer's goods as he thinks he would treat his own if he were as rich as he takes that employer to be.
There may be excuses for all the enjoyment of waste which we have been considering, but, take it as a whole, it is a low feeling condemned by the best individuals of every class. Good servants and good workmen intend at least to make the most of everything, and many of them are genuinely scandalized by wanton wastefulness. Not long ago the present writer observed a respectable working woman having tea in a confectioner's shop. Before pouring out her tea she began to stir the pot, which was half full of tea-leaves. "Why, there's enough for six!" she exclaimed in genuine dismay. “How sinful!"
But the really interesting thing about the love of waste is that there are high-minded people who cannot deny that they understand it,-that they can conceive the pleasure, because they have felt it. As a rule, however, the agreeable sensation of which they are conscious only follows upon the wasting of money. To put a loaf of bread upon the fire would give them the
keenest pain, but they are tempted to tbrow away the price of many loaves. The other day the present writer heard a man of the highest character, incapable of contracting debts, who has worked hard all his life, has known the want of money, and has never been e.. traordinarily rich, admit that, having dropped a sovereign, he had felt the temptation to gratify an instinct by not picking it up. This, no doubt, is an extreme instance; but in a lesser degree we do not think that the feeling is uncommon. About smaller coins have not many of us felt it? Is there not more than one person among our readers who, having dropped some pence in a railway train, has groped after them solely for fear he should appear ostentatious, or should pain some poor person, or set a bad example to some boy, and who, had he been alone, would have experienced a slight sense of pleasure in leaving them where they were? Or, to take a still smaller instance, have not many of us walked through a town after being for some while in the country, and been suddeply astonished, and rather ashamed, to find ourselves gazing into shop-windows, our whole minds set upon buying something, -not longing for the beautiful things we could not afford, not seeking any definite article whatever, but simply desiring to exchange the loose money in our pockets for something-anything-else; in fact, actually bent upon experiencing the pleasure of waste? The most determined self-ridicule is impotent to prevent the constant recurrence of this curious instinct in those in whom it is inherent. What is the origin cf this feeling? Is the mind of the
who is thus tempted to waste throwing back to some spendthrift great-grandfather? Possibly; but we think the source of the feeling is further to seek. There is something of the savage in us all. In the men
who feel strongly this temptation to waste money the connection between coin and commodities is not very close. With their brains they know the worth of money, in abstract questions of finance they often show astonishingly good sense, and in large sums they may even be somewhat close; but in some subconscious region of their minds they are not yet con
vinced of the representative character of dirty bits of metal. They please that simpler self when they refuse to take the slightest trouble to recover a missing shilling, and they feel a secret gratification, rising to the level of a conscious sensation of pleasure, when they exchange a bit of dull silver or copper for any less unattractive object.
THE ENTENTE OF AMERICA AND AUSTRALIA,
It is natural for British opinion to be moved by surprise, at least as much as by pleasure, at the spectacle of the entertainment of the American battle fleet in the great Australian ports, and the unbounded warmth of its reception by the people and the statesmen of the ('ommonwealth. The demonstration is said to have been more cordial than the greeting the Prince of Wales at the opening of the Commonwealth Parliament, and is compared with the frenzy of emotion with which Paris received the sailors of the Russian fleet. Mr. Deakin, the head of the CommonWealth Ministry, admits that the visit was arranged, and that it was designed by him to enforce a policy on which he and other Australian statesmen have long been at issue with the Imperial Government, namely, the creation of an Australian Navy. The “Westminster Gazette," indeed, points out that Mr. Deakin did not, as Reuter's report indicated, invoke the example of the American Navy as an incitement to Australia to build another such fleet as the only means of securing her against "outside injustice and injury." He only appealed for the building of a Navy “which would rank in time among the real defence forces of the Empire." But even in the modified version the speech strikes us as a somewhat sensational development
of the march of colonial self-government. We are on the best terms with the United States; had our relationship been cold and strained, the visit would not have taken place. But it seems to us strong measure for an Australian statesman to use a foreign fleet as a means of forwarding a project which is not approved by the Admiralty, and is regarded by them as an entirely wrong development of Imperial Defence. Mr. Deakin is still fighting his battle for an Australian Navy. The Admiralty support, as they are bound to support, the opposite policy of Colonial aids to the great force which guarantees the safety of Australasian territory, of a unified command, and of concentration on the seas which wash these shores. It is clear that Mr. Deakin rejects these theories, so far as they hamper his view of Australian naval policy. He uses the American fleet-"the last word in the art of naval construction," as he calls it-as a plea for the "creation" of a separate Australian scheme of "naval defence." As we have no real control over Australian policy, it is certain that Mr. Deakin will prevail, especially as Canada cherishes a like ambition for itself. The Australian subsidy of £240,000 to the Imperial Navy will be withdrawn, and a small, and entirely useless, Australian squadron will take its place.
'The special point of attraction in the opments of American opinion.
The Canadian case is the United States, in American fleet was invited to Australia the Australian case it is Japan, and, as in close sequence on the anti-Japanese Mr. Archibald Hurd points out in the riots on the Pacific coasts of Canada "Fortnightly Review," Canada must and the United States, and the Mayor provide a fleet comparable to the of Sydney took care to emphasize, in American Navy, and Australia aim at the address of welcome, the identity of a counterpart to the sea-power of views on the color question, and espeJapan, before these visions can even cially on Asiatic immigration. Here, approach reality.
indeed, Australia has led America, and The truth is, however, that Austra- has done as a considered and consislia's desire for an independent Navy, tent policy what the States are beginin “alliance” with our own, is merely a ning to do as a consequence of later fresh embodiment of the nationalism teachings of the dark evangel of race which has informed her politics for hatred and fear. And here, again, a generation, and which federation has British and Colonial policy does not powerfully aided. Australia has al- move from the same springs. Few ways desired to act alone. She would South Africans or Australians see with have liked to govern Imperial policy pleasure the admission of Asiatics or in the l'acitic before and after the day negroes to London clubs and the terms when Sir Thomas McIlwraith "an- of equality on which they subsist with nexed” New Guinea, and was dis- British people of all classes, Many avowed by the Colonial Office. Even cherish more or less consciously the when she joined an enterprise of the idea of the old-fashioned Boer that Mother Country like the South African such races as the Kaffirs belong to an War, she did so largely with the de- inferior, half-finished creation, with sire, expressed to a distinguished Eng- doubtful pretensions to a soul. And lishman by Mr. Deakin himself, to all “Colonials” are firmly possessed of "blood" her young people, to furnish the notion that the standard of life them with a passage of adventure in must be maintained by white men for the early history of their State. This white men, and that a mixed industrial feeling, consistent as it may be with order, based on inter-marriage and a feeling of loyalty to the Motherland, joint government by white and black finds ready expression in contact with or yellow, is incompatible with civilithe American people. All visitors to zation. the Colonies are struck by the points It is obviously impossible for of superficial likeness between the Co- Australian holding such views to aplonial and many prevailing American prove the action of this country in entypes—their self-confidence and buoy- tering on an equal alliance with Japan. ancy, their neuness, their sharply de- The Anglo-Japanese alliance may and fined and rather material views of life, should mean a great easing of the situand their highly developed vision of an ation in respect of Asiatic immigraorganized commercial and industrial tion, a useful guarantee of peace, if democracy unknown to our more deli- not of good feeling, between white and cately shaded and conservative society. yellow Governments in the Pacific. Resembling the Americans, the free co- But Australia is much more disposed lonial peoples resemble each other still to regard it as a concession to the more. And in one point of exterior doctrine of color-equality on which policy they are in close harmony with that portion of the British Empire the later, though not the earlier devel- which is self-governing is no longer