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a revolution is not going to be bought ble example of Wyoming and Colorado, so cheap!
Ulan and Idaho. But when someone “Let us, then, meet energy with points out that there is a great deal to energy, and in a spirit of hope. There be said of another kind about these is nothing in this movement which four States, and that the State of Orecannot be defeated, as this Manifesto gon, which has for neighbors these points out. I have ventured lately 10 very Suffrage States, has just defeated draw English attention to the state of a Woman's Suffrage amendment by things in America, where, after half a 20,000 votes, as against 10,000 last time. century of agitation, the Woman Suf- and 1,800 the time before-then Mr. frage movement is obviously declining, Zangwill is 'bored.' put down by the common sense of “We must fight then, and fight with women themselves. They certainly hope. could have got it if they had ulti- "As to the reasons for the fight, we mately determined upon it; and in the are probably all pretty much agreed in sixties and seventies, when Women's this room. Women are 'not undevelClubs were spreading all over the oped men but diverse,' and the more States, with the avowed object of se- complex the development of any State, curing Woman Suffrage, when great the more diverse. Difference, not infemeetings were perpetually being held, rivrity-it is on that we take our stand. ind petitions presented to the State The modern State depends for its very Legislatures, or to Congress, it looked existence-and no juggling with facts as though the movement woulil and can get rid of the truth-on the physicmust succeed. Four States nad al force of men, combined with the granted the Suffrage; other States were trained and
specialized knowledge being pressed to grant it. Then, in the which men alone are able to get, beeighties, the tide turned. The opinion cause women, on whom the childof women themselves set against it. bearing and child-rearing of the world Women's Anti-Suffrage Societies rest, have no time and no opportusprang up; led in many cases by the nity to get it. The difference in these women most actively concerned in so- respects between even the educateil cial and philantbropic work; appeals man and the educated woman-excepto State Legislatures were met hy tions apart-is evident to us ali. counter-appe:us, ably argued, a vast Speaking generally, the man's mere annount of literature was distributed: daily life as breadwinner, as merchant, and now, not even Mrs. Cobden Saun- engineer, official, manufacturer, derson (an deny that the movemeni is gives him a praetical training that is receding, or, as Mrs. Fawcett prefers not open to the woman. The pursuit to put it, is less advanced' than in of advanced science, the constantly deEngland. Mr. Zangwill, indeed, veloping applications of science to in. nounces that he is ‘bored' by facts dustry and life, the great system of drawn from Wyoming and Oregon. the world's commerce and finance, the But I am afraid this is only when they fundamental activities of railways and are used against him! The Society for shipping, the hard physical drudgery, which he writes is never tired of quot- in fact, of the world, day by day-not ing the four Suffrage States, when it to speak of naval and military affairs, suits them to do so, and of printing a and of that diplomacy which protects number of highly doubtful statements us and our children from war—these? about them. One of their recent itre inale, conceived and executed by pamphlets deals entirely with the no- men. The work of Parliament turns
upon them, assumes them at every that he failed. The work of Parliaturn. That so many ignorant male ment is one and indivisible. The handvoters have to be called into the na- ling of every subject bears on the tion's councils upon them, is the pen- handling of every other, and the vote, alty we pay for what on the whole once given, can only carry with it the are the great goods of democracy. But whole range of parliamentary power. this ignorance-vote is large enough in "But what then? Are women withall conscience, when one considers the out power over the subjects that spc. risks of the modern State; and to add cially concern them, because they are to it yet another, where the ignorance and, as we hope, will remain withouc is imposed by nature and irreparable-. the parliamentary vote? tbe vote of women who in the vast ma- "By no means. They have first of jority of cases are debarred by their all the power which will always he. mere sex from that practical political long, vote or no vote, to knowledge and experience which is at least always experience wherever they are to be open to men-could any proceeding be found. During the last half-century, more dangerous, more unreasonable? as the education of women has adThe women who ask it-able, honor- vanced, and as their experience has able, noble women though they be--are been enlarged, their influence upon not surely true patriots, in so far as public men and upon legislation Las they ask it. There is a greatness in steadily increased. Not a single Bill self-restraint as well as in self-asser- is now passed bearing on the special tion; and to embarrass the difficult interests of women and children, but work of men, in matters where men's women are anxiously consulted. When experience alone provides the materials the Special Schools for defective chilfor judgment, is not to help women. dren were constituted throughout the On the contrary. We are mothers, country, the influence of women shaped wives, and sisters of men, and we the law at every successive stage; know that our interests are bound up when the Midwives Act was passed, it with the best interests of men, and
not, Mrs. Pankhurst says, that to claim to do their work as well 'passed by men without consulting as our own is to injure both.
women'-it was, as I happened to “But we shall be told there is a vast know, mainly the work of a group of field where and Women
energetic and clear-headed woinen, equally concerned-the field of indus- who proved their point and achieved trial and domestic legislation-and that their reform, even against a strong women bere ought to have an equal masculine opposition. The Probation voice. And if there were any prac- of Offenders Act of last year was tical possibility of dividing up the framed throughout in consultation with work of Parliament, so that women women possessed of expert knowledge should vote on only those matters and experience; and as for the Chilwhere they are equally concerned with dren's Bill of this Session, this chilmen, there would be a great deal to be dren's charter, which does Mr. Samuel said for a special franchise of the kind. such honor, it could not have been But there is no such possibility. Mr. drawn up without the advice and help Gladstone tried something like it when of women, which it has had, throughin the case of the first Home Rule Pill out. Women, moreover,
now he endeavored to draw a line between placed on Royal Commissions, and we certain subjects and others, in the case may be very sure that the influence of of the Irish members. We all know Mrs. Sidney Webb on the Poor Law
Commission is at least equal to that of could have been established, as they any man upon it.
have been established in Boston and "But this is not all. Women have not New York; a hundred things could only the influence given them by spe- have been done for children, if voters cial knowledge and ability, knowledge and organizers had so willed it. Meanwhich enables them now in all fields to while, the need for women school manrepresent and speak for their sex; they agers of a capable sort throughout have also freely open to them, whether London is really urgent. In the Cripas electors or elected, the immense field ple Schools with which I have been of local government. They have had specially connected, cannot get the municipal vote for thirty-seven women enough to do the work which years; they have long been eligible as urgently wants doing for these delicate Poor Law Guardians, as parish or dis- and helpless children. And meanwhile trict councillors, and they have now good brains and skilled hands are bebeen made eligible as county and ing diverted from women's real tasks borough councillors. If anyone will to this barren agitation for equal rights take up any competent book on local with men, in men's own field, this sexgovernment and look at the powers of rivalry, which has too often masquecounty and borough councils, he will raded as reform. ask himself, I think, how long will it "Two arguments often used in the be before women overtake or fill the controversy are not touched in the immense sphere which has been here Manifesto, which had of necessity to opened to them? They have not, in- be short. But they have had remarkdeed, shown any great zeal to fill it. able influence upon the working populaThe women's vote has been extremely tion of the north. I mean (1) the arsmall, except when some exciting cause gument that the possession of the vote has intervened-not unlike the men, would raise the wages of women to an however, in this! But all the time, if equality with those of men; (2) that the vote were really the talisman that hygienic regulation of the employment the Suffragists proclaim, what women of women-married women especiallymight have done in local government! should not be imposed on women with- what they still might do!
out their consent, expressed through “ 'If we get the vote,' says one of the the vote. Suffragist leaflets, more attention “Heavy indeed is the responsibility would be given to the condition of the of those who are teaching an excitable children, to the care of the sick and factory population that the possession aged, to education, and so on. But of a vote will raise their wages! If meanwhile all sorts of powers are ly- this were even remotely true, would ing unused under the hands of women. the average wage of the agricultural There has been much talk, for in- laborer, twenty-four years after his postance, of the evils of street trading for litical enfranchisement, be still 158. or children of school age. But this is a 168. a week? Would all that mass of matter which depends entirely 1900 low-paid male labor disclosed by Mr. the County Council; and if the women's Rowntree's book on York, or Mr. vote in London, which they have now Booth's London, still exist-if the vote possessed for thirty years and more, could remedy it? had been properly used and directeil, “The reasons why women's wage is street trading could have been inade generally lower than that of men are impossible. Organized playgrounds partly economic, partly physical. again for children throughout London There are more women than men; men
are stronger than women; there is far are grievances of women, just as there more competition for men's labor; mar- are grievances of men, awaiting reriage and the expectation of marriage dress. But let us not throw out the affect the industrial value of women's child with the bath water. Let us not work unfavorably; and above all the in pushing the claims and demands of organization of women's labor is still women forget that the interests of the backward and weak.
whole-of the great country to which “Many causes now in operation will, we all belong-must come first. As we hope, tend in time to the better pay- one reads the Suffragist literature, Mament of women; the more even spread caulay's lines come ringing in one's of the world's population, better train- head:ing, better organization, and so
When all were for a party, But to teach the laboring women of
And none were for the State. England that a parliamentary vote is of itself to raise wages and bring thein "The party of sex may be the worst the economic millennium, is, as it of all parties. And there is too much seems to me, to poison the wells of of it in the Suffrage agitation. thought and action among them, and “Practically, then, our new Leagne to increase instead of lightening the meets the Suffragist demand by a diburdens on our sex.
rect negative, and by the strong asser“As to factory regulations, the opin
tion that women's true sphere is alion of women in the matter, trainerl ready secured to her, both in the horne and experienced women, has been of and the State, and what she has to do increasing importance with the Gov- now is to fill and possess it. For the ernment for many years past.
I be- brutalities and wrongs that remain, lieve I am not wrong in saying that a force, political force, is no remedy. The very large proportion of the recent re- task, alack, is harder than that. forms in factory legislation for women "Finally, outside the political ma. and children are due to the reports of chinery necessary to the maintenance women inspectors, in daily contact of the modern, civilized State, there is with the people, and bringing their a world of thought and action common trained knowledge to bear. But let us to both men and women alike, in perask a further question. Is the work of fect equality, a world more readily married women in factories the con- open to ideas than the world of party cern only of women? Not at all. It is politics, a world where all reforms be. the concern of the nation as a whole, gin, and which provides the force who are the trustees for and the guard. which ultimately carries them. Every ians of the coming generation.
capacity of women can find, if we will, "Whether the legitimate influence of free scope in that world, and within it women on legislation could be carried women's influence and women's power further, on the lines of responsible ad- depend entirely upon what women are vice, and co-operation with Govern- tbemselves. ment departments, is a matter to which "Well, now, we have to give practic some of us have given anxious thought. cal effect to this belief. We have to You will find a reference to this in the carry the organization of the League Manifesto. We have no hard and fast throughout the country; we have to plan. We throw out the suggestion to provide good and adequate literature; show that we are far from admitting we have, above all, to break down the tbat everything is for the best in the 420 pledges that have been given to best of worlds. We know that there Woman Suffrage in this Parliament;
and if Men's Societies ‘for the promo-
Nineteenth Century and After.
I hope, and with constant respect for those-often dear friends of our own--who differ from us, but with a determination to make our voice heard, and to save England, if we can, from a national disaster."
Vary A. Jard.
COUNT LYOF TOLSTOI.
The writer, who, perhaps more plaus- but it is apt to disturb calm critical ibly than any other, has concentrated judgment. We may find the exact bis powers on a construction of the im- analysis of so forced a reputation difpressions which may precede violent ficult, yet we ought, at all events, to and premature death, has now reached find the effort to obtain it interesting. the confines of his eightieth year in In the case of Tolstoi the difficulty physical and mental well-being. Alone is unusual, because of the diverse atamong the eminent Russian authors of titudes which the subject of our inthe last century, Tolstoi has reached quiry has taken up towards life and positive old age. Lermontov died at thought. The author of Anna Karenina 30 and Pouchkine at 38. Gogol was is also the author of The Kingdom of no more than 43 when his ecstatic vig. God is Within You, and the student is ils wore him to the grave. Dostoievsky agitated at the outset of his inquiry by scarcely lived to be 59, and even Tour- the discovery that Tolstoi himself atgéniev, whom not a few of us still tributes vastly more importance to his remember standing like an oak in the utterances on social, political and reforest, was felled at 65. Tolstoi alone, ligious questions than he does to his before whom the image of death has novels. In this he is supported by a been perpetually present, defies it still body of disciples which may be, in in a green and vigorous maturity. In this country at least, not very numerthese days to be very old and still dis- ous, but is extremely dictatorial and tinguished for energy is to achieve a dogmatic. The artist is looked upon pre-eminence the honors and glory of by this group of devotees as the unwhich are almost excessive. The re- regenerate chrysalis out of whose nisult of Tolstoi's permanence, added to hilism the inspired Prophet has broken his talent, is to lift his fame, at all forth in evangelical beauty. Against events for the moment, to a prophetic this aspect of Tolstoi's career it is height. We have seen the splendor of needful for any one who desires to exoctogenarians soar up in the heavens amine his work rationally to appeal before; we have seen Tennyson and with firmness. Tolstoi himself deVictor Hugo and Ibsen blaze like me. clares, and the deep-mouthed priestteors on the firmament, and to ordinary hood round him deliriously repeat, that eyes darken the fame of all slightly the novels and stories which he wrote younger contemporaries. In the case
before 1880,—and this includes everyof Tolstoi, the concentration of wor- thing of importance except the Kreutzer ship is almost more tremendous still. Sonata and Resurrection,—are evil in Such praise is a graceful and proper their tendency and negligible as literatribute to the crown of length of days, ture. He himself has said that such