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ENGLISH MOVEMENTS.

(From our London Correspondent.).

CONVENTUAL ESTABLISHMENTS-MR. CHAMBERS' COMMITTEE of Inquiry—ITS IMPORTANCE AND NECESSITY ROMISH AND ULTRA-LIBERAL OPPOSITION-REFORM OF THE ENGLISH UNIVER SITIES THE GOVERNMENT BILL-ITS ONE-SIDED CHARACTER-DISSENTERS STILL TO BE EXCLUDED RELIGIOUS LIBERATION SOCIETY-REPORT OF PROGRESS-MINISTERS' MONEY IN IRELAND-CHURCH RATES AND EASTER DUES-SCANDALOUS EXHIBITION OF PRIESTLY POWER-INDEPENDENCY AND PRESBYTERIANISM AT CHELSEA-STRANGE PROCEEDINGS — YOUNG MEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION-ANNUAL MEETING-LECTURE BY DR. CANDLISHTHE LONDON CITY MISSION AND THE RECENT CENSUS-MISSION MOVEMENTS IN SOUTH WALES.

THOSE rumours of war with which our ears are now constantly assailed, have not altogether silenced the voice of reason, nor frustrated the aims of philanthropy. There is happily a strong under current of social and religious action which continues to flow on without much obstruction from the "preparations for war;" and even should that demon of destruction be actually let loose upon the nations of Europe, there is still reason to believe that the religious life of these kingdoms will remain, and continue to uphold and animate those numerous and noble institutions which have been founded in peaceful times for the improvement and elevation both of the minds and the bodies of the people; and that other similar projects also will be devised and executed; so that if we must have the horrors of war, we shall have likewise the blessings of peace.

Both in and out of Parliament several ecclesiastical questions of the very first importance have occupied attention. It will be remembered that during the last session, Mr. Thomas Chambers introduced a motion to the House of Commons, having relation to convents and nunneries as they now exist in the kingdom of Great Britain. The object of this gentleman was not to interfere with the liberty of religious action on the part of the Roman Catholics, but to prevent their exercising an undue influence over the persons of those silly people, who foolishly consent to immure them selves in the dark and uncomfortable cells of the so-called religious institutions belonging to the Papal system of fraudulent superstition. On that occasion Mr. Chambers was unsuccessful. Nothing daunted, however, by the defeat which he then experienced, the hon. gentleman has returned to the charge, and achieved a victory. In a House of more than three hundred mem

bers he carried, by a majority of sixty-seven, a motion for a select committee to inquire into the subject of conventual and monas tie institutions, with a view to determine the relation in which they stand to existing laws, and the expediency of legislation on the subject. It would appear that the convents in England and Ireland are 220 in number; of which 203 belong to the Romanists, a fact which shows that these places have increased at the rate of 40 per cent. per annum since 1843, when the entire number was only 56. Monasteries have also considerably increased, and now amount to 72. It is curious to observe, that the number of females who enter these antichristian and emasculating institutions, if we may judge by the number of the buildings, is three times that of the males. The fact, though lamentable, is doubtless very easy to be accounted for. All these establishments, it would seem, exist in this country simply on sufferance. Monasteries especially are open and flagrant violations of the Roman Catholic Relief act. Mr. Chambers has done well, therefore, in having thus called attention to the subject, and taken the first step towards placing these ecclesiastical prisons under the direct influence and wholesome control of the common law of the country. That the adoption and continuance of a monastic life, especially in cases where the will and the desire are adverse, is calculated to be extremely hurtful, both to the mind and to the body, there can be no question whatever; and that many cases of this description have occurred, and will continue to occur, so long as these priestly establishments are wholly, or even partially exempted from the supervision of the civil authorities of the nation, is equally clear, and deeply to be deplored. The assertion which has been hazarded by some, that

the carrying into effect of Mr. Chambers' motion will be an infringement upon the religious freedom of the people, is either a mere pretence or a flagrant absurdity; the speeches of Lord John Russell and Mr. Edward Miall to the contrary notwithstanding. The notorious fact, that even in those countries where Romanism is most rampant, great jealousy is manifested by their respective governments of all such establishments, ought to be of itself sufficient to suggest the necessity of caution, lest, through the progress of a system which has about it the semblance of religion, civil freedom should be first curtailed, and then ultimately destroyed. That Mr. Chambers should have been able to carry his motion after having once failed, speaks well for the Protestant and religious feeling of a large number of the House of Commons. The advantage thus gained has been wisely followed up by Mr. Whiteside, who has sought for and obtained leave to bring in a bill to secure to persons under religious vows the free exercise of their lawful rights in the disposal of their property. It is not unnatural, perhaps, that the chiefs of the Romish system should take the alarm at this course of procedure, although, by so doing, they confirm, in the most decisive manner, the statements which are made respecting the liberal and slavish character of their system, and the necessity which exists for the measures which it is proposed to adopt. A private meeting has already been held to devise means for the purpose of defeating the proposal of Mr. Chambers; and before these lines will have met the eye of the reader, a public meeting, with a like object, will have taken place at Freemasons' Hall. It is not altogether a bad sign of the times, that even Romanists think it desirable to state their grievances in the public ear, and appeal to its sense of justice for redress. Their aims, however, in the present instance, are so palpably un-English and wrong, that they ought not to hope, because they do not deserve, to compass the objects which they

seek.

improving the present condition of things. That stronghold of corruption, the University of Oxford, is to become, we are informed, a great and free seminary of learning, which it has not been since the time of the commonwealth. The measure which has been introduced by Lord John Russell is doubtless an important step in the right direction, although it is much to be regretted that the noble lord did not see his way clear to assert fully and unequivocally the right of Protestant Dissenters, in common with Episcopalians, to share such advantages and honours as the universities of the country have it in their power to bestow. It is a disgrace to a free government like that of England, that it should be content to legislate for only a moiety of the people. Yet such is the fact. The recent census has shown that the Nonconformists of this country are not less than 5,000,000 in number, and therefore quite upon a par with the adherents of the so-called Church of England; while there are another 5,000,000 who do not profess to be identified with either of these parties; and yet, according to this bill of the Government, all the advantages of the universities are to continue to be monopolized by one only of these classes. The propounder of the measure has declared that for his own part he is inclined to abolish the test by which Dissenters are excluded from these seats of learning, but fears that such a clause would be fatal to the bill when it should make its appearance in the House of Lords. Well, if the Government are thus willing to curry favour with the bench of Bishops at the expense of justice to two-thirds of the whole people, they ought in all fairness to be left entirely to the support which those bigoted functionaries may be able to give. It is much to be hoped that the Dissenting members of Parliament will unite together for the purpose of insisting that something at least approaching to equity shall be done to that great party to which they have the honour to belong, and which they are sent to Parliament duly to represent. The unnatural custom of refusing to Nonconformists a university education, and then of taunting them with ignorance, has already existed far too long in this country; and now that the question of university reform has been brought before the senate, it ought not to be suffered any longer to continue, but to be immediately and for ever abolished. But happily, whether it shall be so at the present or not, the period when such a

These efforts which are being made in the direction of ecclesiastical reform are happily not exclusively confined to the getting rid of one system of corruption. The State Establishment of England is coming in for her own share of attention. Both within and without the narrow pale of the Episcopal Church, reformers are rising up, thick and strong, and they bid fair to do something considerable towards

wretched remnant of bigotry and folly shall be utterly consumed cannot be very long delayed. With a view in part, and among other and yet greater objects, to the bringing on of that period as speedily as possible, the Society for the Liberation of Religion from State patronage and control, has commenced a fresh, and what promises to be also a more effective mode of operation. A second soiree, but one of a more public character than that alluded to last month, took place the other evening at the Whittington Club, when the proposal to raise £5000 per annum by subscriptions, for the next three years, received much additional support. So soon as the friends of the Society in the metropolis shall have guaranteed £1000 of this sum, it is intended to make an appeal to the country for the other £4000; and it is not doubted that the money will be forthcoming. There are already several gratifying indications that the Committee which has been formed to investigate all bills partaking of an ecclesiastical character that shall be brought before the House of Commons, will be of essential service in uniting the Dissenting and Liberal members of the House in opposition to those clauses of such measures which may contain provisions inimical to the perfect exercise of religious freedom. In the meanwhile, the conscience and common sense of the country continue to be outraged by legal plunder in the name of religion. The State Church of Britain is the arch-robber of Christendom. Its hypocrisy, too, is equal to its sin. Sabbath after Sabbath does the surpliced priest stand within the rails of the "altar," and pronounce the words of the law-"Thou shalt not steal" and as often may the whole congregation be heard to respond, "Lord, have mercy upon us, and incline our hearts to keep this law." But no sooner has the Sabbath dress been put off, than the priest presides at the vestry, and does all in his power to persuade those whom he instructed in the ways of honesty when at church, to defraud their Non-conforming neighbours for the support of a system of religion which is patronized by only a third of the people. Should the rate be carried, and any person found to object to pay on the score of conscience, as Mr. Edward Miall did the other day, his dwelling may be entered either by eun ning or by force, and property laid hold of three or even four times the value of the sum which was originally demanded! A New astle journal has just reported one of the mot shameful cases upon record of the

enforcement of what are called "Easter dues," at Bernard Castle. The claim which was made by the incumbent, or rather the incumberer, of the parish, has been sustained by a jury-trial at the Durham assizes. What the jury had to try was, the legality of the plaintiff's appointment, and his title to the emolument. These two points having been made out, there was no defence; the verdict was given against the repudiating Dissenter-a poor man named Snaith, sixty-two years of age, who said if the case went against him, and great expense was incurred, "there would be nothing for it but his going to prison." The local journal which reports the case, eloquently remarks upon it thus:-"It seems to us a monstrous scandal to religion, that the professors of one favoured creed should act so meanly, so unworthy of their position, as to seek alms from poorer brethren who choose another mode of worship, and defray its costs from their own means. But when we remember that the man who is here dragged to Durham for fourpence, is tried in sight of a cathedral, whose bishop receives an apostolic income of upwards of £20,000 per an num, the case reads like a burning satire upon the religion of Him whose ministry was emphatically to the poor. It shocks all sense of propriety and justice." Truly: and if these men had but a single spark of religion in their souls, or an atom of respect for their own characters, they would consent to starve, or to beg their bread, rather than be guilty of such abominable conduct. There are happily some few indications that this iniquitous system will be brought to a termination. The people, on the one hand, are becoming daily more alive to its injustice; while, on the other, the Government has given a sort of promise to devise a remedial measure upon the subject, which, to be at all satisfactory and efficient, must amount to a thorough and complete abolition of the rate. The conduct of the Government in regard to the proposal by Mr. Fagan to abolish "ministers' money" in Irelandthat is, the Irish church-rate-does not hold out any hope that this will be the

but too obvious. If ministers' money had case. The motive for this conduct seems been abandoned, church-rates could not long have been retained. The Government, therefore, are at least telling us by their conduct what they mean. In the great question which is now becoming the test of party distinctions, they are taking their stand against the friends to religious free

dom. They continue church-building acts, of which no one knows the meaning, except that, under them, the Church has spent £1,500,000 of the public money. They have now determined to hold by ministers' money; they have refused to throw open the Universities; and, if they can, the coalition will keep church-rates All these are parts of one question, and they must be fought, as they are opposed, together. On this subject the Nonconformist very justly observes :-"That the Cabinet have not thought proper to give way in such a case is ominous enough, but that they should shelter themselves behind a plea of 'the inviolability of church property' is most offensive. Are personal taxes, then, however impolitic, however unjust, to be considered beyond the possibility of repeal, whenever levied in support of the Church? Are they one whit more the rightful property of the Establishment than a war-tax is the property of the army and navy? Have Sir John Young's masters always treated ecclesiastical property as inviolable? Did they feel the force of their own principle when they passed their Tithe Commutation Act for Ireland, and gave up to landlord rapacity 25 per cent. of the Church's income? What is Church property but national propertyjust in the same way that the ships of the Admiralty, and the munitions of the Horse Guards, belong to the nation. 'Inviolable,' forsooth! What does that mean, but that the Church will not give up a single farthing to which, justly or unjustly, she can advance a legal claim, and that her Majesty's ministers will back her in this determination? No! we do them wrong. They will in one breath plead the sacredness of church property as a reason for resisting the proposed abolition of the Irish church-rate, and, in the next, they will themselves propose a shabby compromise, which, in principle, equally infringes upon their own maxim."

At Torquay, Devon, the people are just now up in arms upon the subject of churchrates. The Rev. J. E. Gladstone, minister of the Free Episcopal church of that place the same gentleman, it will be remembered, who had a lengthened contest in the Court of Arches with the Bishop of London-on being applied to for payment of the impost valiantly refused, and, because of some informality in the mode of its being levied, has threatened to commence actions at law against any parties who shall attempt to distrain upon him for the same. Several of the members of the Anti-church-rate

Association have also been applied to for payment, but have promptly declined, and are determined to protest to the last against the proceedings of the Vicar.

The present, indeed, would seem to be an age of protest sgainst all recreants to right principle. An illustration of this was furnished a few days since at Chelsea. Some years ago a wealthy Dissenter, who had taken up his abode in a princely mansion situated in the aristocratic locality of Belgravia, thought well to build there "a house for God;" and seems to have expected that it would be very speedily filled, every Sabbath day, by the titled and the great. This gentleman professed to be a Congregationalist, and of course the affairs at Eccleston chapel were to be conducted in accordance with that system. The Rev. Caleb Morris, at the request of the proprietor of the place, consented to become the first minister; but very speedily relinquished the office, even before a church had been formed. Mr. Morris was succeeded by the Rev. James Davis, who was brought up from the country for the purpose. An engagement was made by him with the proprietor, to render three years' service, at the rate of £250 a-year. That period has just expired. But in the meantime a church was formed, and a considerable congregation gathered. The church, however, was rather a name than a reality; this lay "proprietor," in the exercise of what he conceived to be a right, having prohibited the appointment of deacons and other church officers to cooperate with the minister; and the congregation, as it might be very easily anticipated, was not precisely of the order which the good man expected to see collected within the walls of the building. He gave a distinct intimation, therefore, to the minister that he must vacate his office at the time originally specified. But now there were other parties to the bargain. The members of the church, indeed, were not in any way consulted, but they were anxious to secure the continuance of their pastor's services; and therefore, as one man, sent a respectful request to their master, that he might be allowed to remain. The favour was refused; and although professedly an "Independent" church, they were utterly destitute of the power to retain the pastor whom they loved. The only thing that remained for them was to subscribe to a parting testimonial of their affectionate esteem for his person and ministry. It was therefore so arranged, and a day appointed for the pre

sentation; but the proprietor refused the school-room of the chapel for the purpose; having already threatened Mr. Davis with a lawsuit for telling the people, on the previous Sabbath, in very proper terms, that he was about to leave them, and why. The Rev. Thomas Alexander, therefore, minister of Ranelagh Presbyterian church, Sloane Square, with his deacons and elders, had compassion upon the sorrowing people, and offered them the use of that church for the farewell service. Having heard that such an assembly was to be convened, I was constrained to attend, when I learned these particulars, and listened to several able, high principled, and stinging speeches-that of Dr. Archer being by many degrees the best and most powerful. While defending the principle of Independency from the stigma which the proceedings of this individual was calculated to cast upon it, and repudiating the conduct of those proud and presumptuous men who dare to presume to make themselves "lords over God's heritage," Dr. Archer did not suffer so excellent an opportunity of asserting the principles of Presbyterianism to pass away without such mention as the occasion demanded. He clearly proved that, in the working of the Presbyterian polity, such a case as they were that day called upon to deplore could not by any possibility have occurred. Mr. Davis was presented with an appropriate address, a salver worth 30 guineas, and a purse containing 180 sovereigns. It will be well if the Inde pendent and Baptist churches of this country shall receive and act upon the salutary instructions which this and some other cases of a similiar kind which have occurred are well calculated to impart.

Thus much for matters ecclesiastical. Concerning religious and social movements there is not much to report. With institutions of that order, the present is pre-eminently the season of calmness and preparation. It will be their turn next month to occupy the public attention. The Young Men's Christian Association terminated its winter course of Lectures, as usual, with a public meeting at Exeter Hall, the Earl of Harrowby presiding. All the speeches were characterized by a deep devotional tone. The report, which was read by Mr. Henry Tarlton, the Secretary, to whose zealous and unwearied exertions the Association owes much of its prosperity, presented some very interesting facts. It stated, for example, that meetings for devotion are held every Sabbath morning at the rooms

of the Association, and that they are exceedingly well attended. In the afternoon of the Sabbath Bible-classes, conducted by competent teachers, are held in divers places, and comprise from 500 to 600 young men. There are also inquiry meetings for those who begin to feel the evil of sin and the want of a Saviour. The report also presented some useful information with regard to the lack of religious privileges in the commercial houses of the metropolis, and narrated several pleasing facts in illustration of the large amount of wholesome influence, which even a few Christian young men in such establishments may be the means of diffusing around them. Special reference was made to the Prize Essay published by the Association, the production of a business young man, Mr. Joseph Lyndall; and to the Library and Reading-rooms. At the present moment there are about 500 subscribers to these rooms, while the average attendance is not less than 250 each evening. The income of the associa tion for the year was £2500. On the Tuesday evening previous to the anniver sary meeting, the Rev. Dr. Candlish delivered the concluding lecture-surprising everybody by taking for his subject the Theological Essays of Mr. Maurice. The Dr. was very severe upon the ex-professor; and whenever he happened to descend to the knowledge and the compre hension of his auditory, he was loudly cheered. It may be doubted, however, whether as many as fifty of the vast audience who filled the Hall could understand a third part of what was said, or were at all able to follow the metaphysical reasoning of the lecturer. The ministers and students, of course, who lined the platform, enjoyed the discourse in a very high degree; but it was far too much like an article in the North British Review, to be of much popular utility.

The London City Mission Committee have begun to make an extensive use of the facts supplied by the recent census, with a view to enlist the sympathies and the support of the Christian portion of the community in furtherance of their own scheme of operations. It is clearly shown, that in several of the divisions of the metropolis the religious accommodation is lower than in any single borough or town in the United Kingdom. If London were as well provided with places of religious worship as the average of England and Wales, it would have nearly five times as many churches and chapels

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