his body. He thought he had killed himself and would die before morning. The following night he again ate peyote and saw a big snake which threatened to swallow him. This snake had arms, legs and a long tail, spiked like a spear. He also saw a man with horns and claws, carrying a spear. He tried to dodge the spear, fearing death. At last he appealed to the peyote-“Help me, O medicine, help me! It is you who are doing this and you are holy! His suffering at once stopped. The following night he again ate peyote and saw a vision of God, to whom he prayed and appealed for knowledge of the peyote religion. Following this he saw the morning star, his home and children.

In the course of the repeated eating and no doubt some instruction from his companions (although he does not mention this) the peyote became defined for Rave. Instead of an unknown power which dominated him he came to think of it as a "holy medicine" a type of thing with which he had had past experience. The instant he accepted the peyote as holy medicine and prayed to it as he had been accustomed to pray to other forms of tribal medicine, his fear left him and his visions changed from those of fear to those associated with familiar medicines. This process which seemed like the influence of supernatural power to Rave consisted in his identifying the peyote with a familiar phenomenon toward which he knew how to act and from which he expected a certain response, which he at once received in the feeling of peace and self-confidence which came to him. The members of the peyote societies customarily see God, Jesus, or Heaven with perhaps some scenes from their past misdeeds. The terrifying visions of the novices are interpreted as the result of an unrepentant spirit, acceptance of the peyote as holy being in the nature of a conversion (reorganization of attitudes toward it) which carries with it pleasant visions.

Due to the vividness with which the peyote vision portrays things and the ease with which Christian and pagan elements can be combined in it, peyote is regarded as the means of interpreting the Bible. It has been identified with the Holy Ghost and thus becomes one of the Trinity and through it the Bible becomes

clear to the Indian, that is, through the visions the Biblical teachings are applied to the Indians' individual problems.

The curative power of the peyote has also made a strong appeal to the Indian. According to Radin the curative power was the primary appeal in the dissemination of the cult. Speaking of the Winnebago, he says "The first and foremost virtue predicated by Rave for the peyote was its curative power. He gives a number of instances in which hopeless venereal diseases and consumption were cured by its use; and this to the present day is the first thing one hears about. In the early days of the peyote cult it appears that Rave relied principally for new converts upon the knowledge of this great curative virtue of the peyote. The main point apparently was to induce people to try it, and I hardly believe that any amount of preaching of its direct effects, such as the hyper-stimulation induced, the glorious visions, and the feeling of relaxation following, would ever have induced prominent members of the medicine bands to do so. For that reason, it is highly significant that all the older members of the peyote speak of the diseases of which it cured them. Along this line lay unquestionably its appeal for the first converts."40

While the foregoing discussion brings together some of the scattered material on the peyote cult, it serves also to indicate the lack of information on many aspects of the study. Radin11 has suggested the desirability of collecting accounts of peyote visions to determine whether they tend to conform to certain types among the different tribes. A collection of peyote songs would be of similar value and might also be a good index of the influence of Christianity, since in some cases the peyote songs are based on Christian hymns. Some of the Plains tribes have peyote myths; a study of their origin and diffusion would be significant. Accounts of the peyote ceremony are available for only a few tribes; not until the ritual of many more tribes is made known can the complete story be told of the diffusion of peyote. Accounts of the ritual are all the more important since the adoption of peyote by

40 Radin, Peyote Cult of the Winnebago, p. 12.

41 Ibid., p. 20.

the Central Algonkin tribes, since there is here an opportunity for further modification of the ritual to conform to the Eastern Woodland culture complex.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BENEDICT, RUTH FULTON. "Vision in Plains Culture." American Anthropologist, XXIV (1922), 1-23.

DAIKER, F. H. "Liquor and Peyote a Menace to the Indian." Report 32nd Annual Lake Mohonk Conference, (1914), 62-68.

ELLIS, HAVELOCK. "Mescal, a New Artificial Paradise." Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institute (1898), 537-48.

GILMORE, MELVIN RANDOLPH. "Uses of Plants by the Indians of the Missouri River Region." 33d Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology (1911-12), 104-6.

HARRINGTON, M. R. "Religion and Ceremonies of the Lenape." Indian Notes and Monographs, Museum of the American Indian (1921), 185-190. HODGE, FREDERICK W. (editor). "Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico." Peyote, vol. II. Washington, 1910.

KROEBER, ALFRED L. "The Arapaho." Bulletin of American Museum of Natural History, XVIII (1902), 398-410.

LINDQUIST, G. E. E. "The Red Man in the United States." New York, 1923. LUMHOLTZ, CARL. "Symbolism of the Huichol Indians." Memoirs of Amer

ican Museum of Natural History, III (1900), 17-23.

LUMHOLTZ, CARL. "Unknown Mexico." Vol. 1, 359-72. New York, 1902. MOONEY, JAMES. "Calendar History of the Kiowa." 17th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, (1895-96), 237-39.

MOONEY, JAMES. "Mescal Plant and Ceremony." Therapeutic Gazelle, XX (1896), 7.

MURIE, JAMES R. "Pawnee Indian Societies." Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, x1 (1912-16), 636ff.

NEWBERNE, ROBERT E. L., AND BURKE, CHARLES H. "Peyote, an Abridged Compilation." Washington, 1922.

"Peyote, an Insidious Evil." Indian Rights Association, No. 114 (1918). Peyote, Hearing before a subcommittee of the Committee on Indian Affairs of the House of Representatives on H. R. 2614. Washington, 1918. PRENTISS, D. W. and MORGAN, FRANCIS P. "Anhalonium Lewinii" (Mescal Buttons). Therapeutic Gazette, XIX (1895), 577-85.

RADIN, PAUL. "Peyote Cult of the Winnebago." Journal of Religious Psychology, VII (1914), 1-22.

RADIN, PAUL. "The Winnebago Tribe." 37th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology (1915-16), 388-426.

SAFFORD, W. E. "Narcotic Plants and Stimulants of the Ancient Americans.” Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institute (1916), 387-424.

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PETROGLYPHS NEAR THE DALLES OF THE

COLUMBIA RIVER

BY WILLIAM DUNCAN STRONG AND W. EGBERT SCHENCK

[N THE COURSE of an archaeological reconnaisance of the

September, 1924, a number of interesting rock drawings were found across the river from the town of The Dalles. The survey was carried out by the Department of Anthropology of the University of California and was made possible through the generosity of Mr. Henry J. Biddle of Vancouver, Washington. The reconnaisance was made by the authors, assisted by Mr. Biddle, who spent considerable time in the field. While making excavations on the north bank of the Columbia, a high water channel of the river was noted with a type of petroglyph unique in the region, presenting the aspect of an aboriginal natural history gallery. Both the intrusive type of rock carving and the fact that some of the animals depicted were probably never common in this immediate area seem to make the find worthy of record. The photographs here reproduced were made by Mr. B. C. Markham, a photographer at The Dalles, who visited the site with us and secured a fine series of pictures. The figures are carefully redrawn from field sketches by Mr. Strong.

These petroglyphs are located on the Washington bank of the Columbia, about one mile north from Spedis Station, on the Seattle, Portland, and Spokane railroad, or at the 99.5 mile point from Portland, Oregon, on the same line. They are across the river from the town of The Dalles, Oregon, and about seven miles north of it. The country here is rough and volcanic in nature and the high water channel where the carvings are located lies at the northeastern edge of a small valley. A double-stepped escarpment of basalt, perhaps 1500 feet high, stretches from the river bank south and west around the Spedis plain and back again to the river's edge. The Columbia from here north is marked by these palisade-like ramparts of the basalt rim rock.

SKINNER, ALANSON. "Iowa Societies." Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, XI (1912-16), 693, 725ff. SKINNER, ALANSON. "Kansas Organization." Ibid., 758.

SKINNER, ALANSON. "Material Culture of the Menomini." Indian Notes and Monographs, Museum of the American Indian (1921), 24, 42-43. WATERMULDER, G. A. "Mescal." Report 32nd Annual Lake Mohonk Conference (1914), 68-76.

WISSLER, CLARK. "Blackfoot Societies." Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, x1 (1912-16), 436.

UNIVERSITY OF Chicago,

CHICAGO, ILLINOIS.