augment the precious collection so that a whaler may be found possessing upwards of twenty such corpses."

Mummification therefore had been diffused very nearly to the borders of the northward moving, cremating, Tlingit culture. It might well have in time been diffused the length of the coast. The body-dessicating air of the Aleut country was no better for drying a corpse than that of the Kwakiutl region where corpses placed in tree burial dried into mummies.66 We have already described the crude attempts at temporary preservation of the corpse of chiefs and dear ones among the Tsimshian.67 The Haida would probably have appreciated mummification; at any rate, with them, "sometimes the body of a high chief was laid away in a small lean-to into which the rear wall of the house opened, so that the inmates could look in upon the coffin.68

The practice of mummification, similar in so many significant details, rather general with one people, and restricted to a certain caste with the other, both peoples being territorially contiguous and the only ones in their territory making use of the practice, must have had a common origin in the case of the Aleuts and southern Eskimo. Since it has been such a late development, if for no other reason, it would be absurd to look to eastern North America for the origin of the practice, and it is difficult to admit its independent development especially because of the nearness of the Ainu who practiced mummification. The distance between the Ainu and the Aleuts was considerable, but if diffusion took place, as we have seen, it was probably early in the eighteenth century. It is not inconceivable that mummification remains to be disclosed as having been practiced among neighbors of the Ainu, perhaps some Japanese, and that with them the elaborate system of effigies, etc., was associated with mummification, and by them, carried northward. We note, at any rate that with the Ainu as with the Aleut, the skin is not cut, but the entrails are taken out without cutting-with the Ainu through the anus,

66 Curtis, op. cit., v. 10.

67 See above, p. 132.
68 Curtis, v. 11, p. 127.

with the Aleuts through the "pubic region," probably. The Ainu dried the body in the open air, as the Aleuts probably did.“9

The lateness of the development of the practice of mummification probably prevented its further diffusion before the coming of the Europeans. Its special use for whalemen among the Aleuts, furthermore, is not connected, probably, with any immigration of mummifying nobles or craftsmen but was adopted especially for whalers as a result of the before-existing and more widely diffused use of corpses by whalers in the magic of their craft. The use of corpses by whalers is found also among the Clayoquot, Nootka and apparently also among the Makah Nootka of Cape Flattery, the Clayoquot occasionally using one of the accidental mummies resulting from tree burial. As was probably the case with the Aleuts, the wealth acquired in whaling among the Nootka led to chiefship, and the whaling craft is usually the prerogative of the head chief and nobles.70

It seems to the writer that the urine-washing practices of the Kwakiutl are probably the result of a diffusion from the northward, as are probably the corpse-using practices of the Nootka whalers (See Curtis, v. 10, pp. 46-47). Unfortunately details on whaling and whale taboos are inadequate for the cultures between the Clayoquot and the Kadiak. For the Tlingit, Niblack writes that while seal and porpoise "flesh, or blubber, is esteemed a great delicacy,...they will not eat whale's blubber for superstitious reasons." (p. 276.) Apparently the Tlingit did no whaling. The Yakutat or most northerly tribe of Tlingit were different. Dall (Tribes of the Extreme Northwest, pp. 21, 36-37) wrote that the Yakutat were said not to use the labret (at that day) and that "they are said not to adopt the totemic system, so much in vogue among the other Tlingits, and eat the blubber and flesh of the

69 On the Ainu see the journal (French) T'oung Pao, v. 3, p. 209, references being made to the Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, v. 13. Supplement, 1881, p. 34. The Ainu described are those of Krafto Island, Saghalin. (The same note refers to the mummification practiced on Darnely Island, described in Globus, v. 61, p. 248.) With the Ainu the entrails were taken out through the anus by a friend of the deceased who has promised during the life of his friend to perform this function. The body is dried in the sun for thirty days and finally buried.

70 See especially Curtis, op. cit., v. 9, and v. 10, pp. 46, 287-288; also J. G. Swan, The Northwest Coast, and J. G. Swan, The Makah, Smithsonian Contributions, 1869, pp. 52-53, 55, 59; and J. R. Jewitt, Narrative, 1815, pp. 30, 69-71, 83, 108. The Makah used to frequently bury their dead six feet below the surface of the earth in order to minimise the danger of desecration by whalers.

whale which the other tribes of their stock regard as unclean." The Yakutat language was a very aberrant Tlingit language. Probably the Yakutat were an Eskimo group one step farther along the road in those earlier days to complete assimilation of Tlingit culture than their neighbors the Ugalakmiut Eskimo (Ugalenzes), who were an hybrid tribe whose language was being replaced by Tlingit and who called themselves the Chilkat miut. The shellmounds bear some witness to the probability that the Eskimo once occupied the coast as far south at least as the Chilkat River. (See Dall in Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, 1877, p. 130; and Petroff, I: The Populations of Alaska, 10th Census of the U. S., 1880, v. 8, p. 146). While Dawson, (Queen Charlotte Island, p. 111), could find no evidence of the Haida ever pursuing the whale, a stranded whale was considered a great prize. I know of no reference to whaling or whale eating by the Tsimshian. Curtis could find no evidence of whaling among the Kwakiutl save that on the beach of the village of the Hayales, an extinct tribe of Quatsino Sound; there were many whalebones, and the Kwakiutl had a tradition that in that tribe there was a famous whaler who made use of corpses. (Curtis, v. 10, pp. 29, 287.) UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA,

PHILADELPHIA.

BY

THEOPHIL MITCHELL PRUDDEN

Y THE RECENT death of Dr. Theophil Mitchell Prudden the Anthropological Association has lost one of its Founders, and Southwestern archaeology one of its foremost students. Although archaeology was an avocation with Dr. Prudden, he brought to it the resources of a mind naturally adapted to and specially trained for scientific endeavor. For many years it was his custom to relax the strain of his important professional duties with the Rockefeller Institute by trips to Colorado, Arizona and Utah. Summer after summer he travelled by packtrain across the arid plateaus of the San Juan country, and it is doubtful if any other man ever so thoroughly explored that difficult region.

Dr. Prudden's journeys were more than mere vacations, for he always brought back maps of the intricate canyon systems, notes on the climate, and descriptions and photographs of the hundreds of ruined pueblos and cliff houses that he encountered. Dr. Prudden, also, was far more than an observer and an amasser of data. His interest lay in the fundamental problems of culturegrowth, and he at once saw in the Southwest a fertile field for morphological studies. He was the first to describe in print the early Basket Maker culture in an article in Harper's magazine for June, 1897. This was followed in 1903 by "The Prehistoric Ruins of the San Juan Watershed" in the "Anthropologist," a model report of reconnoisance, accompanied by a most invaluable map, but especially important in that it embodied the author's identification of the old "unit-type" of pueblo structure, and thus laid the foundation for all subsequent research on the developmental side of Southwestern civilization. The problems raised by the discovery of the "unit-type" led Dr. Prudden to excavate a number of these early villages and to publish "The Circular Kivas of Small Ruins in the San Juan Watershed," and "A Further Study of Small House Ruins" in the "Anthropologist" of 1914, and the "Memoirs" of 1918.

Dr. Prudden's love for the San Juan was by no means confined to its scientific aspects; his "On the Great American Plateau” is the most vivid and delightfully sympathetic account of Southwestern life and desert travel that has yet appeared. His kindly nature endeared him to all those with whom he came in contact; to be known as a friend of Dr. Prudden's was the best credential one could offer at any trading-post on the Navajo reservation.

Of late years ill-health kept Dr. Prudden from his beloved San Juan, but his interest in the region, its people, and its ruins never flagged. He was a generous contributor to the funds of expeditions, he read with keen interest everything published on Southwestern archaeology, and his advice and friendly criticism were of the greatest help to the younger men entering the field.

A. V. KIDDer.