The changes made in Table II, it will be noticed, are as follows: In Nos. 13 and 76 an apparent reading of 8D was changed to 8E. In Nos. 17, 21, 24, 25 and 26 apparent readings of 7E was changed to 7D; 8E .to 8D; 12E to 12D, and 3E to 3D. These changes account for seven of the eight series. It is possible in some cases there was an error on the part of the sculptor, but it seems to be more likely, particularly in the last five cases which are all at Yaxchilan, that we are not fully clear as to the forms used for Glyph D and Glyph E at that place, and that we have misread the glyphs. The other change is in No. 23 where 14E is changed to 9E, and this is probably an error on the part of the sculptor in adding one bar too many. According to our interpretation it will be noticed E can never have a coefficient higher than 9.

This leaves us a net residue of six series out of the sixty-nine which cannot be brought into agreement. They are Nos. 1, 8, 53, 54, 56 and 58. Of these six numbers, 1 and 58 are series on two of the oldest monuments of the whole eighty-four, and it may

easily have been that some change occurred, or some days were added or dropped before uniformity was reached about the year 9.9.0.0.0. One other series, No. 8, is the very latest one of the whole 84 at Holactun. It is possible that some change was made before the date of that monument, or it is also possible that the Initial Series has not been correctly read. The last three which do not agree are Nos. 53, 54 and 56. If we add to these Nos. 52 and 55 which were in our class of incomplete, we have the five latest series at Quirigua. All of these last four or five dates at Quirigua are indicated as falling twelve or thirteen days earlier than the dates we compute. Every dated monument at Quirigua up to the year 9.18.0.0.0 is in excellent agreement with our computed dates. After that there is absolutely no agreement in the remaining four or five.

This covers the discussion of Glyphs C, D and E, and I think evidence points rather clearly to the reading of C, D and E as given above. At least in the great majority of cases the date when a moon group ended as given by the Supplementary Series when so read agrees as nearly as we could expect it to with the date when a lunation would have ended, provided we assume that a lunation ended on 9.16.4.10.9 or possibly on the day before it, 9.16.4.10.8.12 Lamat, which it will be remembered is the date very prominently mentioned on page 52 of the Dresden Codex. On the other hand, the division of the months into groups of five and six is not the same in the inscriptions as it is in the Dresden Codex, in fact it seems to differ in one city from another and even in the same city at different times. I have not yet been able to determine what the system is, or whether there ever was a uniform system.

The above computations have been made on the basis of a moon group ending on 9.16.4.10.9.13 Muluc. Computing from this would show another moon group ending on 9.16.0.4.4.8 Kan. I feel pretty sure that somewhere between that day, 8 Kan, and the third day later, 11 Manik, a new moon or whatever phase of the moon the Maya observed, did occur. I feel reasonably sure, also, that the Maya computed 405 moons as exactly 46

tzolkin and consequently they thought a new moon occurred somewhere between four and seven days after the original 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, i.e. between the days 8 Kan and 11 Manik.

Regarding the late Quirigua dates which do not agree, the simplest explanation is that they put Pop in order, i.e. made some change in their calendar just before 9.18.0.0.0., the date given for this event in the Books of Chilan Balam being in fact 9.17.0.0.0.

NEW YORK CITY.

SYMPATHETIC MAGIC AND WITCHCRAFT AMONG

ΜΑΝ

THE BELLACOOLA

BY HARLAN I. SMITH

ANY OF the Bellacoola Indians today believe in sympathetic magic and witchcraft, after over a hundred years of contact with white men. Most of them live within hearing of the bells of the mission church, and the government school. Not a few of the men take logging contracts; some of them. build and operate motor boats; many of them join the fishing fleets of the salmon canneries; most of the women work in the canneries; and all deal at the white men's stores.

The Bellacoola lived at the heads of the long inlets half way up the Pacific Coast of Canada and in the tributary Bella Coola valley. Now, numbering perhaps two hundred and fifty, they, with the exception of a few families, are concentrated on one reservation at the mouth of the Bella Coola river. The Bella Coola valley has been called the Norway of Canada. This was where Sir Alexander Mackenzie, the first white man to cross Canada overland, reached the sea.

Aboriginally, the Bellacoola were of the North Pacific Coast culture of America, which is characterized by the extensive use of red cedar and sea products, particularly salmon, the making of graceful, sea-going canoes, each hewn from a single cedar, the erection of large rectangular houses made of cedar planks, with carved house posts and totem poles, lack of pottery, and expertness in carpenter work, carving, and painting. This culture belongs to the barefoot area, but the Bellacoolas wore moccasins to a certain extent. The art of the area was that best known from the paintings and carvings of the totem poles, largely of conventionalized animal forms. The life centred around a very highly developed social organization, an extensive and powerful financial system, and property rights to names, rituals and honors. The Bellacoola language is one of the Salish linguistic stock. They

are apparently more recent comers to the coast than their neighbors and have not fully adopted this coast culture.

The following examples of sympathetic magic and witchcraft, collected during 1920 to 1923 among the Bellacoola, illustrate the extent of their belief in this direction.

Most of this information was given me by the late Captain Schooner, born about 1848, and Joshua Moody, born about 1868, both apparently full-blood Bellacoola Indians. Neither of them spoke English and both gave me the data in Chinook jargon, which I have endeavored to interpret and arrange in logical order, but have tried to render in as nearly as possible the Indian mode of thought, feeling and expression. Schooner was a pagan gentleman. Joshua has great knowledge of plants and animals, and is a Bellacoola scientist, but his great ambition and jealousy, combined with his disloyalty in giving up his own people's customs and adopting a very thin veneer of Christianity, color his statements relating to beliefs, although his plant and animal data have always withstood cross examination and comparison with the data supplied by other Indians. Alec Davis and Mrs. Willie Mack told of the toad. They do not talk English and spoke to me in Chinook jargon. Only the accounts about the grizzly bear skin and the bracelet of beaver skin, which were given me by Mrs. Stoessiger, were told in English.

The material was not given as accounts of magic or witchcraft, but rather as part of the data regarding the properties of plants and animals of which I was endeavoring to collect as complete information as possible.

Joshua, who is even younger than Captain Schooner, remembers the time when Mr. John Clayton was the only white man living in the Bella Coola valley, and when they saw only one other white man every year or two. Consequently these men remember the old Bellacoola beliefs before they were much, if at all, affected by European ideas.

It will be noticed that magic among the Bellacoola is considered of use both for beneficial and injurious purposes, and that the materials giving effect to it are of both plant and animal origin.