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The older Indo-European languages have preserved a considerable number of adjectives in oxytone ú of the type Ved. prthús, Avest. paraþuș, Gr. alatús 'broad'; or Ved. trșús, Goth. þaúrsus; OHG. durri 'dry. For the most part they express very primary adjectival ideas, to a large extent qualities inherent in concrete objects, showing that they were formed at a very early time. They are generally made from the reduced grade of the root, due to their oxytone accent, but morfological and lexical (semantic) influences have tended occasionally, though not very often, to efface the inter-play between oxytonesis and reduced root-form (Vedic āçús =Gr. ukus, etc.). Adjective function and the position of the accent preserve their distinctive class character to an uncommon degree.

In the accented texts of the Veda we find the majority (though not all) of these Indo-European formations: prthús 'wide'; trșús 'dry'; mydús 'soft'; raghús, laghús 'light'; tanús 'thin'; bahús ‘much'; anhús 'narrow'; ripús! 'tricky'; açús 'swift'; dhrşņús 'bold' (for *dhşşús =Opacús; MHG. türre, the n coming from the present stem dhrşņu-)?; kaļus, káţuka 'sharp' (Lith. kartùs 'bitter'); dhrigus 'poor' in ádhrigu 'rich' = Avest. driyuş 'poor' (superlative, drãejista)*; yahús 'swift' (cf. Avest. yazivi; Ved. fem. yahvi); vāyús 'blowing,' 'wind' (Avest. vayuş 'wind'); tákus ‘swift' (with changed accent, cf. taxús); rjús 'straight (Avest. ərazuş); grhús 'begging' (cf. Lith. grabùs 'light-fingered'); vidhús 'solitary' (cf. Lith. vidus 'inner part'); anu-şthús 'following,' susthús 'well-conditioned' (cf. Lith. at-stùs 'being far').

Less definitely connected, or farther removed from the primary period of formation are the stems rbhú- 'active'; rşú- 'glowing'; krdhú

* Providing this is really comparable to Lith. lipùs 'sticky.' But scarcely any Lith. adjective in - us need be from older times; see the sequel.

* Cf. the congeneric gợdhnús, "eager," below p. 93.
The author, AJ Ph. 17. 429ff.; Neisser, Zum Wörterbuch des Rigveda 29.


‘short'; nytú- 'dancing'; madgú- 'diving <bird>'; kridú- 'playing'; vankú- 'mobile'; çañkú- 'tottering'; valgú- ‘pleasing'; mandú- 'joyous'; vanú- 'eager'; phalgú- ‘glittering'; bhindú- 'cleaving'; vindu'finding'; tapu- 'hot' (with changed accent); bhfgu- 'shining' (with changed accent, cf. Lat. fulgor); vidú- 'firm'; sādhú- 'straight'; kārú'singer'; çayú- 'lying'; jāyú- 'victorious'; câyú- 'honoring'; tanyú'thundering'; stāyú-, tāyú- 'thief'; pāyú- 'protecting'; dārú- breaking'; piyú- 'hating'; mäyú- 'lowing'; dhāyú- 'thirsting'; perú- 'saving'; jigyú- 'victorious'; cikitsú- 'intelligent'; çikşú- 'helping'; ditsú‘liberal.' The type has become indefinitely productive with the secondary conjugations, see Whitney, Skt. Gramm. 1178 g ff.

There is in this long list, to which other instances might be added from the later, unaccented texts (such as patu- 'sharp'), not a single case of a word containing radical u; the u-roots obviously avoid this formation, and one's sense of the formative possibilities of the language instinctively forbids the expectation of such stems as *budhú- 'perceptive,' or *çucu- 'bright,' or *ugú- 'strong. To this there are three apparent exceptions, namely, urú- 'wide,' gurú- 'heavy,' and purú‘much.' No one has, as far as I know, noted that these three words are congeneric rime words, expressing the idea of size or extent. We find them again in Avestan in a rime state, voru-, go"ru-, and poúru-, forms which are none too easy to bring into fonetic correspondence with their Vedic sisters. They occur with various changes in the older IndoEuropean languages and are founded upon the types *uprú-, *gtrú-, and *pllú-, with linguals, and not u, in the root. It is not important to enter here upon the intricacies of the special changes that have determined the final shape of Greek eupu-, Bapú-, molu-, or Lat. gravis, or Goth. filu, because Vedic várīyas, gáriyas, and páriņas,4 päriman, etc., determine definitely their root vocalism. Moreover these three rime words are not alone in their semantic class. I.E. *pļi(h)ú- 'broad, corresponds, more particularly with yrrú- 'broad'; I.E. *bhnghú- (Skt. bahú- ‘much,' Gr. Taxu-) with *pllú- much', as do, a little more remotely, ON. þykkr (accus. þykkuan), OHG. dicchi, Erse tiug 'thick'; Gr. daoús 'thick,' and tappus 'thick.' Compare also Gr. Bpaxus 'short': Lat. brevis and OBulg. kratňků 'short': Ved. krdhú- 'short.' As opposites we have Skt. anhú-, Goth. aggwus, OHG. engi ‘enge,' to confront with *pli(h)u.

• Well worth noting is the Vedic triad päriņas, apnas, and rêknas, all of them with the rare suffix-nas, and all of them in the sense of 'wealth' or 'abundance. The suffix-nas is the abstract -as, into which is infused a touch of passivity by the n of suffix -nd, a past participle suffix, usually with passive sense.

'broad'; I.E. Iạnú- 'thin,' Skt. tanú-, Gr. Tarb- in raviny wooos, Lat. tenuis, OHG. dunni to confront with bhnghú- (Gr. Taxu- 'thick,' and ON. pykkr. I.E. Ing"hú- 'light,' and g*rrú- 'heavy' are opposites which coquet with one another down to modern times in dialectic Italian greve (for grave), more congenial to leve. None of these show u in the root.

The situation in Greek is essentially the same. Most of the ú-adjectives come from the same prehistoric time as the older Skt. words: πλατύς, βραδύς, θρασύς, βραχύς, παχύς, βαρύς, ελαχύς, κρατύς (Goth. hardus, OHG. herti), τανυ- (in τανύγλωσσος), μαλδυ- (in αμαλδύνω), πολύς, ώκύς, and αδύς. . We may add from a later period: deyús 'shrill,' rapous 'thick,' dacus 'thick,' å uplus 'dull,' Bagus 'deep,' Tpaxus 'rough.' Ευρύς (with hysterogenous eủpos 'breadth') is controlled by Skt. urú- Avest. vo"ru-. The only form with apparent u, yuxus, in the light of Lat. dulcis (both with two sonorous sounds, u and l, in the root) points to / in the root and not to *doleuk-, as Hirt (Der Indogermanische Ablaut, $527) assumes by a process of addition. C'deūkos 'sweetness,' is seconddary to γλυκύς..

Lat. levis, gravis, tenuis, brevis, mollis, pinguis, suavis, acu-pedius, dulcis (above) reflect the I.E. stock without u in the root. The same is true of its Teutonic continuants: Goth. þaúrsus, kaúrus, aggwus, hardus, quairrus (MHG. kürre) 'tame,' tulgus 'firm' (ul =), OHG. dunni, ON. pykkr. Goth. suts discreetly avoids the suffix -ú of svadus. The Balto-Slavic treatment of the u-stems will be touched upon later.

The number of I.E. roots with radical u is, of course, not to be compared with the mass that contain other vowels. Nevertheless, if we regard, as we well may, the Vedic list as a faithful reflex of I.E. conditions, we find a very respectable list of u-roots. Some of them belong to the oldest and most familiar stock: ruc ‘shine,' yuj 'join,' bhuj 'enjoy,' bhuj 'bend,' pruth 'snort, plu 'flow,' sru 'hear,' sru 'flow,' dhū 'shake,' bhū 'be,' 'purify,' tud 'thrust,' nud 'push,' mud 'rejoice,' ud 'flow,' rud'howl,' budh 'perceive,' kup ‘be angry,' rup (lup) 'break,' lubh 'desire,' uş ‘shine,' juş “enjoy,' tuş “enjoy,' çuş 'be dry,' pruş 'sprinkle. There is no occasion here to be exhaustive, nor is it necessary to list the 50 or more u-roots of the Sanskrit language easily gathered from Whitney, Roots, Verb-forms, etc. 243ff., which are not I.E., or, at least, not obviously so: e.g. kuc 'curl,' tuc 'generate,' muc 'release, mruc (mluc) 'set,' çuc shine,' tuj 'thrust,' ruj 'break,'

s Sanctioned by the English and German mind in the alliterative expressions, 'thru thick and thin,' durch dick und dünn.'

çcut 'fall,' dyut 'shine,' khud 'futuere,' cud 'impel,' etc. Not a single one of these roots makes an adjective in -ú: just as the u-adjectives are never made from u-roots, so u-roots never make adjectives in u-.

This is evidently a case for suppletion: the u-roots must resort to other afformatives. It is not to be expected that this should take place on a concerted scheme on the part of the u-roots. Thus the very primary idea “dry" is mobilized in the Aryan languages by the suffix -ko-, very rare as a primary suffix (Vedic çuşka-, Iranian huşka-6 from an I.E. root sus) in other languages by the suffix -o- (Gr. avos, AgS. séar, Lith. saūsas, OBulg. suchů). Or, the I.E. root lubh 'love,' makes a primary adjective in -o-: Goth. liuba, OHG. liob 'lieb, OBulg. ljubů.

Nevertheless, the far more common suppletion of the suffix -ú in roots that contain u lies with the old primary suffix, I.E. -ró-. From the Indic point of view some of the adjectives in -rá- are I.E.; some are Aryan; and quite a number appear only in Vedic and Sanskrit. Of I.E. age are rudhirá 'red' (*rudhró-) which may have given rise to the later congeneric rucirá- 'bright?; udrá- 'water animal': Gr. Údpos, údpa 'water-snake,' OHG. Ottar, Lith. údra, OBulg. vydra 'otter'; çubhrá- 'bright': Arm. surb 'pure'; usra- 'shining,' 'matutinal': Goth. austro-, in Austro-goti; Avest. zāeni-budra- 'eagerly watchful: Lith. budrus, OBulg. bůdrů 'watchful.' Vedic and Avestan are Ved. ugra-, Avest. uyra- 'strong'; Ved. kşudrá- 'small,' Avest. xșudra'semen's; Ved. cukrá- (çuklá-) 'bright,' Avest. suxra-, Old Pers. þuxra. 'red.' Purely Indic are Ved. Rudra- 'Howler,' túmra- 'swelling' (with irregular accent: Lat. tumeo), mudrá- "joyous” (AV. 18.3. 19), dudhra- 'stiff.' From a later time: mucira- 'liberal,' muhira- 'foolish, cf. also gūdra- 'member of fourth caste' (of obscure belongings).

Well worthy of note is the frequent use of the suffix -tó- with roots ending in u, long or short: Ved. sthürá- (sthūla-) 'thick,' OHG. stiuri, ON. stūr 'strong'; Ved. krūrá-, Avest. xrūra- 'bloody'; Ved. dūrá-, Old Pers. dūra- ‘far'; Ved. çúra- 'strong' (accent to match çávira‘mighty'), Avest. sūra-, Gr. å-kupos 'weak”; Ved. rūrá- 'hot'; Ved. mūré- 'foolish'; and perhaps another müra- 'hasty' (to Lat. movēre); Ved. kşurá- 'scratching,' 'razor,' Gr. Eupov, “razor'; Ved. turá-, 'strong.' From the roots of these words, or from any other root in final there

*Cf. their congeneric words for 'dry': Lat. siccus for * sit-qo-s; Cymric hysp from *sis-kyo-s.

? Both words occur as designations of 'saffron.' 8 H. Pedersen, IF 5. 61, identifies, not implausibly, Gr. yuopos, 'false' with this pair. exists not a single instance of an adjective in -ú-; such a formation is, indeed, typically unimaginable.

More or less antique cases of -16- adjectives with u in the root are, of course, to be found in all the languages: OHG. slupfer 'slippery' (Goth. sliupan 'slip'), Lat. lūbricus; Goth. hlütrs, OHG. hlutar 'lauter' (cf. Gr. Kluw ‘rinse'); Goth. snutrs, OHG. snottar, O.N. snotr, Middle Engl. snoter 'wise' OHG. Sür ‘sour,' Lith. súras 'salty,' OBulg. syrů 'raw'; Lat. pūrus (cf. Skt. pūtás 'purified'); Lat. obscūrus (cf. OHG. skür, 'cover'); Lat. muger (Paul. Diac.), 'qui talis male ludit' (cf. mufrius, 'gambler, Petronius); MHG. miuchel 'secret'; Umbr. vufru 'votivum' (Buck, Grammar of Oscan and Umbrian, 88152; 257.1); Sabinian cuprum 'bonum,' Cupra 'Bona Dea'; Umbr. Cubra (Buck, ibid. 310, collection, nr. 83), from the root of cupio 'desire'; Gr. vypós ‘moist' (cf. ON. vokua 'moisture'), Gr. propós 'false' (above); Gr. dvypós 'mournful' (Epic); élevdepos, Lat. liber (stem leufero-).

That the Balto-Slavic adjectives in -2- continue to some extent the corresponding I.E. adjectives is guaranteed rather by isolated nouns in - U- than by the u-adjectives themselves. Such nouns are Lith. medus, Old Pruss. meddo, OBulg. medă 'honey'; Lith. pekus, Old Pruss. pecku 'cattle'; Lith. alus, Old Pruss. alu, OBulg. olů, ON. gl 'beer,' 'ale'; or with suffix-nu-, Lith. sunus OBulg. synů ‘son.' As regards the u-adjectives, the long lists in Leskien, Die Bildung der Nomina im Litauischen 244ff., bring, on the one hand, surprisingly few cases that can claim antiquity; on the other hand, the great spread of this type shows obvious secondary propagation. This appears most clearly in doublets like szaunus and szaúnas 'excellent,'' darbus and darbas “laboring, '10 rupùs and rùpas 'rough,"11 romùs and romas 'gentle,'2 etc.; see especially Leskien, ibid. 173ff., 355ff. The stock of old ú-adjectives should be headed by pilus 'full' (cf. pilnas), if Leskien's statement (p. 248) did not cast doubt upon it. However, saldus, OBulg. sladůků 'sweet' have relieved I.E. suādú- by substituting the stem sald- 'salt,'13 as the root of the word (cf. the OBulg. opposite bridůků 'bitter'). The triangle Lith. platùs, Gr. alatús, Ved. prthú- intrigues (one would expect Lith. piltùs), but doubtless establishes the stem as I.E. fundamentally.

· Leskien, Nomina 356.
10 Leskien, ibid. 173.
11 Ibid. 258.
12 Ibid. 179.
13 Lett. salds has passed the word into the a-class.

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