PCA. *nōtcp-follow, pursue: M. nōtspinehäw he follows, pursues him (PCA. -nähw- seek animate object), O. nōhpinanād he follows him (PCA. *-nao- assail). PCA. tck also is not very common: PCA. *ketckyäwa he is old; old person: F. kehkyäwa, M. ketskiw. PCA. *-alakatckw- palate: C. nayakask my palate, M. ninākatskun (plural only) my palate, kakipanakatskow he is dumb (PCA. *kekyäpabsence of a sense, reduplicated form of PCA. *kep- block, obstruct), O. ninagackung at my palate. PCA. *pe'tenamwa he picks it up by mistake (*pe't- accident, *-enby hand): C. pistinam, M. pe'tenam, O. pihtinang; cf. F. pehtenawäwa he shoots him by mistake (PCA. *-elaw- shoot animate object). PCA. *mä'tenamwa he uses it up by handling: C. mästinam, M. mä'tenam. PCA. 'tc seems to occur only as mutation of the preceding: PCA. *ke'tci much, greatly: F. kehtci, M. kä'ts, O. kihtci. PCA. *pe'tci by mistake, by accident: C. pistsi, M. pä'ts, O. pihtci. PCA. *mä'tcihäwa he exterminates him: C. mästsihäw; cf. M. mäʼtsinanäw (PCA. *-nað- assail), O. mähtcibudä it is worn out by friction (PCA. *-putä- affected by rapid handling, inanimate). The s-mutation of 't (§33) appears in PCA. *pe'sehkawäwa he bumps into him by accident: M. pe'sähkawew. PCA. *mä'sehkamwa he wears it out: M. mä'sehkam, O. mäsihkang. PCA. '0: PCA. *ku'0äwa he fears him: F. kusäwa, C. kustäw, M. ko'new, O. kusād. PCA. *ne'0äwa he kills him: F. nesäwa, M. ne'new, O. nisād. PCA. *-a'@emw- dog, non-initial: C. wāpastim white dog or horse, O. wābasim white dog, M. wāpeskā'nem (PCA. *wāpeck- extended form of PCA. *wāp- white). The mutation to 'c (§35) appears in PCA. *ku'ci fear thou him: C. kusi, M. ko'sin (-n reflex of an appended particle PCA. *na, which is still so used in F.), O. kuci. Cf. F. kih-kuci thou shalt fear me, M. kinaw-ko'sim, C. ka-kusin. PCA. *ne'ci kill thou him: M. ne'sin, O. nici. PCA. *ne'ciku kill ye me: F. necigu, M. ne'sikun. PCA. 'l appears in C. as hy and h, probably determined by surrounding vowels: PCA. *a'lapya net: C. ahyapiy, M. aʼnap (plural aʼnapyak), O. asab (plural asabig). PCA. *pemi'läwa he flies along: F. pemisäwa, C. pimihāw, M. pemē 'new, O. pimisä. PCA. *a'läwa he places him: F. asäwa, C. ahäw, M. a'new, O. asād. The mutation (§37) gives PCA. 'c, but has been analogically removed in C. inflection: PCA. *a'ci place thou him: F. O. aci, M. a'sin-analogic C. ahi. PCA. 's appears not only as mutation of 't (see above), but also independently: PCA. *a'senya stone: F. aseni (inanimate gender), C. asiniy, M. a'sen, O. asin. PCA. *we'sakesiwa he is in pain: C. wīsakisiw, M. wē'sakesiw, O. wīsagizi he is bitter; PCA. *we'sakihcinwa he falls painfully: F. wīsagicinwa, C. wīsakisin, M. wē’sakēhsin, O. wīsagicin. PCA. 'c has been illustrated above as the alternant of ' and 'l; I do not know whether the following examples are of this character or not: PCA. *säkehkwa'ciwa he has a nightmare: C. säkihkwasiw, M. säkihkua'siw; cf. F. kawehkwaciwa he is sleepy (PCA. *kaw- fall over), C. kawihkwasiw, M. kakūhkwa'siw (reduplicated and awe contracted to ō, §16). PCA. *cē'cēpa duck: F. cicipa, C. sīsīp, M. sē'sip, O. cīcīb. A PCA. 'k seems to be demanded for M. -'kw- eye, as in pōhki'kow he is one-eyed, but I cannot give correspondences. The combination ck is quite common: PCA. *ickutäwi fire: F. ackutäwi, C. iskutäw, M. iskōtäw, O. ickudä. In the rare combination cp F. seems to have hp: PCA. *icpemenki up above, on high: F. ahpemegi, C. ispimihk, M. ispämiah, O. icpiming. A PCA. ct seems to be demanded for one word: PCA. *ustekwani his head: C. ustikwān, O. uctigwan. 48. PCA. x as first member symbolizes s of C., h of the other languages; it occurs before p and k: PCA. *axpälemowa he relies (*axp- on things, lean, *-äle- thought, *-m-u- animate middle, by speech or thought): F. ahpänemōwa, C. aspäyimōw, M. ahpänimow, O. ahpänimō. In a few cases the pre-Central-Algonquian origin of this very frequent compound consonant can still be seen. There are a few fixed combinations of morphologic elements in which connective *-i- is not used between consonants; where t or 0 and p thus come together, they are replaced by xp. Thus, the initial element PCA. *e0- thither, thus, as in PCA. *iälemäwa he thinks thus of him: F. inänemäwa, C. itäyimäw, M. inänimew, O. inänimad, joins the medial element PCA. *-pa- run, as in PCA. *pemipahtāwa he runs by, on: C. pimipahtāw, M. pemēpahtaw, O. pimibahtō; cf. F. pemipahōwa, in an archaic combination which does not take connective *-i-: PCA. *ixpahtāwa he runs thither or thus: C. ispahtāw, M. ihpāhtaw cf. F. ihpahōwa, O. ihpahidiwag they race thither. Similarly, with the transitive final PCA. *-pw- bite, eat an animate object, as in PCA. *ackipowa he eats raw food (*ack- raw, fresh, *-pu-, *-pw- plus *-u-, derivative with meaning much like that of Indo-European middle voice): C. askipōw, M. askēpow, O. ackibō, the same initial gives PCA. *ixpukusiwa he tastes so (*-ekw- undergoing, added to transitive verbs, *-esi- animate intransitive): C. ispukusiw, M. ihpōkusiw, O. ihpuguzi. Or, again, this same final combines with the initial PCA. *atōton top of something, as in PCA. *atōtapiwa he sits on something: M. atōtapiw, atutapyakan chair, and the form is PCA. *atōxpowa he eats on something: F. atōhpōwa, C. atōspōw, M. atōhpow; cf. M. atühpwan table, O. adōhpōwin. PCA. xk also is common: PCA. *maxkesini moccasin: F. mahkesähi (diminutive), C. maskisin, M. mahkäsin, O. mahkizin. PCA. *nexkātal my legs: F. nehkātani, C. niskāta, M. nihkātan, O. nihkādan. PCA. *-nexkä- arm: F. kīckinehkäcwäwa he cuts off the other's arm (PCA. *keck- sever, *-ecw- cut animate object), C. sōwiniskäyiw he stretches out his arm (PCA. *cōw- extend), M. kiskinähkɩw he is cut off at the arm (ɩ, i.e. I, by contamination with M. -nehtsi- hand §36), O. kickinihkä. It appears that this compound consonant, parallel with xp above, represents an ancient combination of t or @ plus k. Thus, the conjunct and participle of inanimate verbs have the ending *-ki, e.g. PCA. *me'cyäwi it is large, *mä'cyāki that which is large: F. mecāwi (ā analogic), mäcāgi, C. misāw, kā-misāk, M. me'sɩw mä'sık (ɩ, i.e. ī, from yä, analogic), O. micā, kā-micāg. Now, stems in t add this ending without connecting *-i-, and the result is xk: F. pyämigatwi it comes: äh-pyämigahki when it came, M. pimakat it comes: pīmakah if it comes, plural pīmakāhkin, O. tibihkad it is night: tibihkahk tonight, i.e. when night comes.. Similarly, PCA. *kusiwa he moves camp: M. kusēw, O. kuzi, with *e0- gives PCA. *ixkusiwa he moves camp thither: M. ihkōsiw. However, as I cannot give C. examples, the xk (as distinct from hk) is not proved for these cases. 49. The symbol ç is needed for a single peculiar correspondence: This group occurs, so far as I know, in only one element: namely, PCA. *meçkw- red, as in *meçkwi blood, §27; also PCA *meçkusiwa he is red: F. meckusiwa, C. mihkusiw, O. mihkuzi, cf. M. mehkōn; PCA. *meçkwäwi it is red: M. mehkiw, cf., with vowel of conjunct mode generalized, F. meckwawi, C. mihkwaw, O. mickwā. 50. PCA. h plus consonant means combinations in which the first member appears as h in all the dialects; only before sibilant F. and C. do not distinguish the h; O. does so by keeping the sibilant unvoiced: PCA. *pāhpiwa he laughs: C. pāhpiw, O. pāhpi. PCA. *kōhpatcihäwa he degrades him: C. M. kōhpatsihäw; cf. O. kōhpadizi he is stupid. PCA. ht in *ucihtawa §37. Its mutation, htc: PCA. *ucihtcikäwa he makes things (*-i- connective, *-kä- deverbative suffix, action on things): C. usihtsikäw, M. usēhtsikew; cf. F. acihtcigäwäwa he makes, O. ujihtcigādä it is made. For the s-mutation (§33) I have no example; presumably it would yield PCA. hs. PCA. ho: F. O. s, C. ht, M. hn: PCA. *õhoale his father: F. ōsani, M. ōhnan, O. ōsan; cf. C. ōhtāwiya. |