PCA. *nötcp- follow, pursue: M. nõtspinehäw he follows, pursues him (PCA. *-nähw- seek animate object), O. nõhpinanād he follows him (PCA. *-na- assail). PCA. tck also is not very common: PCA. *-alakatckw- palate: C. nayakask my palate, M. ninākatskun (plural only) my palate, kakīpanakatskow he is dumb (PCA. *kekyäpabsence of a sense, reduplicated form of PCA. *kep- block, obstruct), 0. ninagackung at my palate. PCA. 't: PCA. *pe’tenamwa he picks it up by mistake (*pe't- accident, *-enby hand): C. pistinam, M. pe’tenam, O. pihtinang; cf. F. pehtenawawa he shoots him by mistake (PCA. *-elaw- shoot animate object). PCA. *mä'tenamwa he uses it up by handling: C. mästinam, M. mä'tenam. PCA. 'to seems to occur only as mutation of the preceding: PCA. *ke'tci much, greatly: F. kehtci, M. kä'ts, O. kihtci. PCA. *mä'tcihäwa he exterminates him: C. mästsihäw; cf. M. mä'tsinanäw (PCA. *-nað- assail), 0. mähtcibudä it is worn out by friction (PCA. *-putä- affected by rapid handling, inanimate). The s-mutation of 't (833) appears in PCA. 'O: PCA. *ku'däwa he fears him: F. kusawa, c. kustäw, M. ko'new, 0. kusād. PCA. *ne'däwa he kills him: F. nesäwa, M. ne'new, O. nisād. PCA. *-a'demw- dog, non-initial: C. wāpastim white dog or horse, 0. wābasim white dog, M. wāpeskā'nem (PCA. *wāpeck- extended form of PCA. *wāp- white). The mutation to 'c (835) appears in PCA. *ku'ci fear thou him: C. kusi, M. ko'sin (-n reflex of an appended particle PCA. *na, which is still so used in F.), O. kuci. Cf. F. kīh-kuci thou shalt fear me, M. kinaw-ko'sim, C. ka-kusin. PCA. *ne'ci kill thou him: M. ne'sin, O. nici. PCA. 'I appears in C. as hy and h, probably determined by surrounding vowels: PCA. *a'lapya net: C. ahyapiy, M. a’nap (plural a’napyak), O. asab (plural asabīg). PCA. *pemi’läwa he flies along: F. pemisäwa, C. pimihāw, M. pemē'new, O. pimisä. PCA. *a’läwa he places him: F. asawa, C. ahäw, M. a'new, O. asād. The mutation (837) gives PCA. 'c, but has been analogically removed in C. inflection: PCA. *a'ci place thou him: F. O. aci, M. a'sin-analogic C. ahi. PCA. 's appears not only as mutation of 't (see above), but also independently: PCA. *a'senya stone: F. aseni (inanimate gender), C. asiniy, M. a'sen, O. asin. PCA. *wē'sakesiwa he is in pain: C. wisakisiw, M. wē'sakesiw, O. wisagizi he is bitter; PCA. *wē'sakihсinwa he falls painfully: F. wisagicinwa, C. wisakisin, M. wē'sakēhsin, O. wisagicin. PCA. 'c has been illustrated above as the alternant of 'o and 'l; I do not know whether the following examples are of this character or not: PCA. *säkehkwa'ciwa he has a nightmare: C. säkihkwasiw, M. säkihkua'siw; cf. F. kawehkwaciwa he is sleepy (PCA. *kaw- fall over), C. kawihkwasiw, M. kakūhkwa'siw (reduplicated and awe contracted to , $16). PCA. *cē'cēpa duck: F. cicipa, C. sīsīp, M. sē’sip, O. cicib. A PCA. ’k seems to be demanded for M. -’kw- eye, as in põhki’kow he is one-eyed, but I cannot give correspondences. 47. PCA. c as first member: PCA. F. hp ? ck ck C. sp st sk M. sp ? sk 0. ср ct ck The combination ck is quite common: PCA. *icpemenki up above, on high: F. ahpemegi, C. ispimihk, M. ispämiah, 0. icpiming. A PCA. ct seems to be demanded for one word: 48. PCA. x as first member symbolizes s of C., h of the other languages; it occurs before p and k: PCA. . F. C. M. 0. hp hp sk hk bk PCA. xp: PCA. *axpälemowa he relies (*axp- on things, lean, *-äle- thought, *-m-u- animate middle, by speech or thought): F. ahpänemõwa, C. aspäyimów, M. ahpänimow, O. ahpänimo. In a few cases the pre-Central-Algonquian origin of this very frequent compound consonant can still be seen. There are a few fixed combinations of morphologic elements in which connective *-;- is not used between consonants; where t or @ and p thus come together, they are replaced by xp. Thus, the initial element PCA. *e*- thither, thus, as in PCA. *idälemäwa he thinks thus of him: F. inänemäwa, C. itäyimäw, M. inänimew, O. inänimād, joins the medial element PCA. *-pa- run, as in PCA. *pemipahtāwa he runs by, on: C. pimipahtāw, M. pemēpahtaw, 0. pimibahto; cf. F. pemipahöwa, in an archaic combination which does not take connective *-i-: PCA. *ixpahtāwa he runs thither or thus: C. ispahtāw, M. ihpāhtaw cf. F. ihpahõwa, O. ihpahidiwag they race thither. Similarly, with the transitive final PCA. *-pw- bite, eat an animate object, as in PCA. *ackipowa he eats raw food (*ack- raw, fresh, *-pu-, *-pw- plus *-u-, derivative with meaning much like that of Indo-European middle voice): C. askipów, M. askēpow, O. ackibo, the same initial gives PCA. *ixpukusiwa he tastes so (*-ekw- undergoing, added to transitive verbs, *-esi- animate intransitive): C. ispukusiw, M. ihpākusiw, 0. ihpuguzi. Or, again, this same final combines with the initial PCA. *atoton top of something, as in PCA. *atõtapiwa he sits on something: M. atõtapiw, atūtapyakan chair, and the form is PCA. *atoxpowa he eats on something: F. atõhpõwa, C. atospow, M. atõhpow; cf. M. atūhpwan table, O. adõhpowin. PCA. xk also is common: PCA. *maxkesini moccasin: F. mahkesähi (diminutive), C. maskisin, M. mahkäsin, 0. mahkizin. PCA. *nexkātalı my legs: F. nehkātani, C. niskāta, M. nihkātan, 0. nihkādan. PCA. *-nexkä- arm: F. kickinehkäcwäwa he cuts off the other's arm (PCA. *kēck- seder, *-ecw- cut animate object), C. sowiniskäyiw he stretches out his arm (PCA. *cow- extend), M. kīskinähkıw he is cut of at the arm (, i.e. I, by contamination with M. -nehtsi- hand $36), O. kickinihkä. It appears that this compound consonant, parallel with xp above, represents an ancient combination of t or 0 plus k. Thus, the conjunct and participle of inanimate verbs have the ending *-ki, e.g. PCA. *me'cyäwi it is large, *mä'cyāki that which is large: F. mecāwi (ā analogic), mäcāgi, C. misāw, kā-misāk, M. me’sıw mä'sık (, i.e. ī, from yä, analogic), 0. micā, kā-micāg. Now, stems in t add this ending without connecting *-i-, and the result is xk: F. pyämigatwi it comes: äh-pyämigahki when it came, Similarly, PCA. *kusiwa he moves camp: M. kusēw, 0. kuzi, with *ed-gives PCA. *ixkusiwa he moves camp thither: M. ihkösiw. However, as I cannot give C. examples, the xk (as distinct from hk) is not proved for these cases. 49. The symbol ç is needed for a single peculiar correspondence: PCA. F. 0. ck This group occurs, so far as I know, in only one element: namely, PCA. *meckw- red, as in *meckwi blood, $27; also PCA *meckusiwa he is red: F. meckusiwa, C. mihkusiw, 0. mihkuzi, cf. M. mehkon; PCA. *meckwäwi it is red: M. mehkīw, cf., with vowel of conjunct mode generalized, F. meckwāwi, C. mihkwāw, 0. mickwā. 50. PCA. h plus consonant means combinations in which the first member appears as h in all the dialects; only before sibilant F. and C. do not distinguish the h; O. does so by keeping the sibilant unvoiced: PCA. hp: PCA. *kõhpatcihäwa he degrades him: C. M. kõhpatsihäw; cf. O. kõhpadizi he is stupid. PCA. ht in *ucihtāwa $37. Its mutation, htc: PCA. *ucihtcikäwa he makes things (*-i- connective, *-kä- deverbative suffix, action on things): C. usihtsikäw, M. usēhtsikew; cf. F. acihtcigäwäwa he makes, O. ujihtcigādä it is made. For the s-mutation (833) I have no example; presumably it would yield PCA. hs. PCA. h0: F. 0. s, C. ht, M. hn: |