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the affricate of English judge, j the abnormal sibilant of English azure,
31. PCA. p, in 0. voiced (b) except in word-initial:
PCA. *pakāna large nut: F. pagāni (inanimate gender, perhaps an error of Jones), C. M. pakān, O. pagān.
PCA. *kapäwa he disbarks, *nekapa I disbark: C. kapāw (analogic), nikapān, M. kapäw, nikāpām, O. ningabā.
32. PCA. m:
PCA. *mecwäwa he hits him with a missile: F. mecwäwa, C. miswäw, M. mesiw, 0. mijwād.
PCA. *pemwäwa he shoots him: F. pemwäwa, C. pimwäw, M. pemiw, 0. pimwād.
33. PCA. t:
PCA. *tõtawäwa he treats him so: F. tõtawäwa, C. totawäw, M. tõtawew, O. tõdawād.
PCA. *nātwa he fetches it: F. nātwa, M. nātuah; cf. C. nātam, O. nādin fetch thou it.
PCA. *mātapiwa he sits moving, moves as he sits (*māt- start, move, begin, *-api- sit): F. mātapiwa, C. mātapiw, cf. M. mātenam he moves it with his hand, O. mādahahtöd he starts out to pursue it.
PCA. t is subject to two alternations: (1) Before the element PCA. *-ehk- by foot, go, often before PCA. *-āp- look, and occasionally before
the e, ā of other elements, PCA. t is replaced by s; probably we see here the effects of a pre-Central-Algonquian sound-change which had suffered analogic disturbance before PCA. time. (2) Before the sounds PCA. i, ē, y, and before PCA. 1, i when they represent pre-CentralAlgonquian yi, yē ($813.14) PCA. t is replaced by tc; this alternation too must be due to a pre-Central-Algonquian sound-change, but it has been kept as a regular habit. Examples:
1. PCA. *nāsehkamwa he goes to get it, approaches it: F. nāsehkamwa, M. nāsehkam, O. nāzihkang.
PCA. *nāsāpantamwa he watches it as he approaches it: F. nāsāpatamwa.
Similarly with PCA. *-epyä- liquid, C. nāsipäw he approaches the water, beside the analogic reformation C. nātipäw he fetches water.
2. Mutation to PCA. tc:
F. nātcisäwa he speeds to fetch (*-i- connective, *-'lä- fly, rush), C. nātsinäham he goes to get it (medicine) (*-i- connective, *-näh- seek inanimate object), M. nātsipāhtwanew he runs to fetch him (*-pa- run), 0. nādjigādä it is fetched (*-kātä- inanimate undergoing) cf. analogic O. nädjibi he fetches drink.
PCA. *mātcīwa he starts off, goes away, *nemātcya I start off (*-1-, -yā- go): F. mātciwa, C. mātsīw he hunts, M. mātsīw, nimātsiam, O. mādji (Cuoq; Jones' dialect has analogic mādjā), nimādjā.
34. PCA. tc; in C. and M. we write ts because these languages do not differentiate normal and abnormal sibilants. 0. has non-initial dj. This correspondence has been illustrated in the last paragraph. Aside from the alternation with t the phoneme to seems to have occurred only in exclamations:
PCA. *tcaponki splash! : M. tsapüh; cf. F. initial element tcapõginto water, as tcapõgisawa he falls into the water.
35. PCA. 8 symbolizes C. t corresponding to n of the other languages:
PCA. *idapiwa he sits thus (*e0- thither, thus, *-api-sit): F. inapiwa, C. itapiw, M.ināpiw.
PCA. *idäwa he says so to him (811).
PCA. *ibahkamikesiwa he carries on that way: C. itahkamikisiw, M. ināhkamikesiw, 0. inahkamigizi.
Before PCA. i, ē, y, and i, i (if from earlier yi, yē) this sound is replaced by c; hereby it is distinguished in F. M. O. from PAC. n (but not from PCA. 1, $37):
PCA. *ici say thou so to him (*-i imperative ending): F. ici, C. isi, M. isēn, O. iji.
PCA. *ici thither, thus (*-i suffix forming particles): F. ici, C. isi, M. is in composition with verbs), 0. iji (used as in M.).
PCA. *icitcimäwa he paddles thither (connective *-i-, -tcimä- paddle): C. isitsimäw, M. isētsimew.
PCA. *icīwa he goes thither, *netecya I go thither: M. isīw, nitäsiam, 0. iji (Cuoq; Jones' dialect has analogic ijā), nindijā.
On this and the following alternations see Michelson IJAL 1,55, with references to earlier articles.
36. PCA. Oc symbolizes a correspondence of C. ts with n of the other languages:
PCA. *6ce'dämāwa tobacco: F. nesämāwa, C. tsistämāw, M. ne'nemāw.
PCA. *-4centcyä- hand, finger: F. kõginetcäwa he washes his hands, C. kāsītsihtsäw, M. kesi'ninähts.w; cf. O. ningihtcinindj my right hand.
37. PCA.1: F. M. O. n, Plains Cree y; the other Algonquian languages mostly have 1 (in part coinciding with PCA. 0); other dialects of C. have n, 1, 8.
PCA. *ileniwa man, $13; cf. our loan-word Illinois from the Peoria group, and the Delaware appellation Leni-Lenape, Michelson's report cited in $1.
PCA. *ulāpantamwa he chooses it (*ul- arrange, *-āp- look, *-antaction on inanimate object): M. unāpahtam, O. unābandang; cf. F. anahunäwa he arranges him, C. uyahpitäw he harnesses him.
PCA. *ulākani dish, bowl: F. anāgani, C. uyākan, M. unākan, O. unāgan.
PCA. *mõlälemäwa he suspects him: F. mõnänemäwa, C. moyäyimäw, M. mõnänimew.
Before the mutating sounds (35) 1 is replaced by c; the coincidence of 0 and 1 in F. M. O. is thus complete. In C. y has been generalized at the expense of s, especially in inflectional forms.
PCA. *mēci give thou it to him (imperative of *mēläwa $12):M. mēsin, O. mīj—but C. miyi; cf. F. ki-mīci thou shalt give it me, M. kinaw-mēsim.
PCA. *ucihäwa he arranges, makes, prepares him, *ucihtāwa he arranges, makes it (*-h- general transitive action with animate object, *-htā-, *-htaw-, *-hto- same with inanimate object): F. acihäwa,
acihtowa, C. usihäw, usihtāw, M. usēhäw, usēhtaw, 0. ujihād, ujihtod.
PCA. *mācihäwa he senses, perceives him: F. mõcihäwa he has a vision of him, C. mõsihäw, M. mõsihew, 0. mõjihād.
38. PCA. n appears everywhere as n, and is not subject to mutations: PCA. *nonwa he sucks at the breast: F. nõnwa; the other dialects have generalized another stem-form, *none-: C. nõniw, M. nõnew, 0. nõni.
39. PCA. s as mutation of t has been illustrated in $33, as an independent phoneme in *põsiwa $8, *säkesiwa $10, etc.
40. PCA. c coincides in C. and M. with PCA. S, the actual pronunciation varying freely between normal and abnormal sibilant. PCA. c, beside being the alternant of 0, 1 (8$35.37), occurs independently:
PCA. *cekiwa mingit: F. cegiwa, C. sikiw, M. sekēw, 0. cigi.
41. PCA. k; F. and 0. have non-initial g; a voiced variant is common also in C.
PCA. *keki having such and such a thing (used chiefly in composition with nouns; formation: initial element *kek-, plus *-i suffix forming particles): F. kegi, C. kiki, M. kikēh, 0. kigi.
42. PCA.' (glottal stop) appears in F. and C. as h; the sound occurs in only a few elements:
PCA. *-a'i obviative (fourth person) plural ending of animate nouns: F. ineniwahi (other) men, c. iyiniwa (c. has an h-glide indifferently after every final vowel), O. ininiwa'.
PCA. *a’āwäwa bird-name, after hoarse call: M. a'āwäw brant, 0. a’āwä (i.e. aawe, Baraga) pigeon-tail duck; cf. C. ahāsiw crow.
PCA. *ida’omowa he gives such a signal-call: F. inahõmõwa, M. inā'omow.
43. PCA. h does not occur initially as a phoneme, though an on-glide of h is common before vowel initials.
PCA. *nahapiwa he adjusts himself in his seat, he sits down: C. nahapiw, O. nahabi; reduplicated F. nanāhapiwa, M. nanāhapiw.
PCA. *nahemäwa he placates him by speech: C. nahimäw, M. nahämäw.
PCA. *nahānka son-in-law: C. ninahāhkisim my son-in-law, M. nuhāh son-in-law (pl. nuhāhkak), O. nahāngic.
PCA. *nahānkanixkwäwa daughter-in-law: F. nahāganihkwäwa, C. ninahāhkaniskwäm my daughter-in-law, M. nuhāhkaniahkıw daughter-in-law, O. nahānganihkwä.
44. The compound consonants consist of one of the consonants so far described, preceded by a consonantal element of obscure character. For these obscure first elements I use arbitrary symbols. The correspondences of these elements are numerous and tend to become more so as investigation progresses. This may be because at an ancient state of the language connecting *-i- was not used, and consonants that came together in word-formation were altered; a few more transparent forms suggest such an origin.
PCA. t, 6, 1 as second members are subject to the same alternations
h, c h
45. The first element to occurs in two combinations:
PCA. tcp seems to be demanded for a few M. elements; for only one of them do I know a correspondence: