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10. PCA. ä is in C. and some dialects of O. a mid vowel, elsewhere low; it is long:
PCA. *säkesiwa he is afraid: F. sägesiwa, C. säkisiw, M. säkesiw, 0. sägizi.
11. PCA. i coincides in C. and O. with PCA. e; in M. the distinction is only in part maintained in actual pronunciation, but is kept intact by the ever-present quantitative variation, in which e alternates with ä, and i with ē. Even in C. and O. the divergent treatment of preceding dentals (8833.35.37) is fairly well maintained.
In addition to the examples which have occurred in the preceding paragraphs, we may mention a very common morphologic element which consists of the vowel i : *-i-, connective, which is used when an element ending in a consonant is followed by an element beginning with a consonant:
PCA. *pemātcihäwa he causes him to live, restores him to life (*pem-, *-at- as in 89, *.;- connective, *-h- action of causative type on animate object, *-ä-w-a he. . . . the other): C. pimātsihäw, M. pemātsihew.
PCA. *põnimäwa he stops talking to him (*põn- cease, *-i- connective, *-m- action by speech or thought on animate object): F. põnimäwa, C. põnimäw, M. põnimew, O. põnimād. Contrast, without connective *-i-, PCA. *pānälemäwa he quits thinking of him, gives him up (*-älethought): F. põnänemäwa, C. põnäyimäw, M. põnänimew.
PCA. *säkimäwa he frightens him by speech (*säk- as in $10): C. säkimäw, M. säkimew.
PCA *säkihäwa he frightens him: C. säkihäw, M. säkihew, 0. sägihād.
In the first syllable of words PCA. seems to have had only e, never i, after consonant; i.e. only such types as *pem-, never such as *pim-. In absolute initial, on the other hand, the dialects have only i-, never e-. This initial i-, however, is only a substitute for e; as soon as a prefix is added e appears:
PCA *idäwa he says so to him, calls him so (*e0- thither, thus, here as stem of radical verb), but *neteāwa I say so to him (prefix *ne-t- 1, ending *-ā-w-a action by non-plural actor on animate third person): F. inäwa, netenāwa, C. itäw, nititāw, M. inäw, nitänāw, O. inad (conjunct mode), nindinā (independent).
12. PCA. 7 is set up for the usual correspondence of M. ē with the i of the other dialects:
PCA. *mēläwa he gives it to him (radical verb): F. minäwa, C. miyäw, M. mēnäw, 0. minād.
13. PCA. 1 : M.1, F. C. 0. i.
M. 1 is in actual pronunciation partly distinct from i and e, for the highest variants (as in French fini) are reserved to it; in quantitative variation it alternates with i (cf. $11). Furthermore, M. , alters a preceding ē in the word or phrase to i, a preceding o to ū. Morphologically PCA. c is recognizable also in the other dialects by the retention of preceding t and changeable n (which never stand before PCA. i, $$33.35.37).
If we take M. as our starting point, we find the M. vowel as (1) the short alternant of M. i (from whatever source, $14) in the quantitative variation of M. vowels; (2) the M. representative of PCA. wi after consonants (827); (3) an independent phoneme, the representative of PCA. 1, with the correspondence F. C. 0. i.
It will be noticed that in the PCA. vowel system i and i are anomalous in having no corresponding back vowel; this harmonizes, on the one hand, with their later disappearance in most of the dialects, and, on the other hand, with the fact that their decidedly limited occurrences are mostly traceable to a pre-Central-Algonquian state where a fourvowel system prevailed. It seems probable that PCA. i represents (1) a pre-Central-Algonquian wi after t, 1, and (2) a pre-Central-Algonquian yi after any consonant.
1. A form like M. wahkītika mik on top of the house probably represents a PCA. *waxkitikamike which in turn goes back to a pre CentralAlgonquian *waxkitwikamike (PCA. *waxkit- on top, over, *-wikamikhouse, non-initial element), PCA. 1 replacing an earlier wi after t. This is supported by the following consideration. Noun stems in vowel plus w lose their w in further derivation: PCA. *ukimāwa chief: F. ugimāwa, C. ukimāw, M. ukēmāw, 0. ugimā, gives PCA. *ukimāxkwäwa princess (*-xkwäw- woman, non-initial form): C. ukimāskwäw, M. ukimūhkıw. Similarly, the verb *atāwäwa he trades: F. atāwäwa, C. M. atāwäw, 0. adāwä forms the F. derivative atāwäneniwa trader (PCA. *-leniwman, non-initial). But before the above element for house the w of such nouns is kept, and verb-stems add w; that is, we may properly set up PCA. *-wikamik-, providing only that the above sound-change be admitted. Thus:
PCA. *metäwa participant in the Mystic Rite: C. mitäw, M. metäw, 0. midä; PCA. *metäwikamikwi lodge for the Mystic Rite: C. mitäwikamik, M. metäweka mik (i generalized), 0. midäwigamig.
Similarly, from the verb above, M. atāwäwıkamik trading-house, store, O. adāwäwigamig.
Analogic forms, if our supposition be correct, are M. atāwäwinenew trader, and, in the opposite direction, C. atāwäkamik, beside less common atāwäwikamik trading-house.
Similar and perhaps related to the above is the element PCA. *-wikädwell, *-wikān- dwelling. After vowel we have F. atāwäwikāni tradinghouse. After consonant F. has generalized the form with 1, C. that with wi, except in one word:
PCA. *ke'tıkäwa he farms, *ke'tıkāni farm (*ke't- big; pre-CentralAlgonquian *ke’twikäwa): F. kehtigāni, C. kistikäw, kistikān (animate gender) grain, O. kihtigä, kihtigān.
Elsewhere C. has u, the regular C. representative of PCA. wi after consonant (827):
PCA. *pēntıkäwa he enters the lodge (*pēnt- inside): F. pītigäwa, M. pīhtikew, O. pīndiga-analogic C. pihtukäw.
The u of C. is historically original where consonants other than t, 1 precede, as in
PCA. *kēcwikäwa he completes the house (*kēc- finish): C. kisukäwanalogic F. kicigawa (for *kicwigawa).
PCA. 1 after 1:
PCA. *ulıkäwa he arranges, builds a house (*ul- arrange; for pre-CentralAlgonquian *ulwikäwa): M. unīkäw—analogic F. acigäwa, for *anigawa, with c on the principle yielded by $835.37.
PCA. 1 after l occurs also in the inflectional ending *-alı which forms the plural of inanimate and the singular obviative of animate nouns and independent-mode verbs.
2. In PCA. yi does not appear after consonants; where this combination is morphologically postulated, i appears instead. Thus the stem PCA. *axky- earth, land with the inanimate singular ending PCA. *-i gives
PCA. *axkı earth, land: F. 0. ahki; cf. the plural PCA. *axkyälı lands: F. ahkyäni, O. ahkin.
The PCA. *wē’deny- eat (consonantism uncertain), with the verb formative *-i- gives PCA. *wē’deniwa he eats: F. wiseniwa, 0. wisini; cf. the non-initial form PCA. *-'deny- with verb-formative *-ä- in PCA *põni'denyäwa he quits eating: F. põnisenyawa.
A PCA. 1 which probably goes back to postconsonantal yi appears in PCA. *ileniwa man: F. ineniwa, C. iyiniw, M. inänıw, O. inini.
14. PCA. i appears everywhere as i and is thus distinct from PCA ē only in M. The same considerations apply here as in the case of PCA.
1. M. i is (1) the long alternant of M. (from whatever source, $13) by normal M. vowel-variation; (2) the M. representative of PCA. wä, yä, wē after consonant (8825.26.28); (3) a M. substitute for M. ē (from whatever source) whenever M. 1, i, ia, ua, or postconsonantal y or w follows in the same word, eg. M. pīhtıkew he enters ($13); contrast forms like
PCA. *pēntenamwa he puts it inside by hand (*-en- action on object by hand): M. pēhtenam, C. pihtinam,
PCA. *pēhtcihinwa he falls inside (*-;- connective; before i thet is replaced by tc, $33; *-ho- fall, lie, *-in- formative of animate verb; before i the 6 is replaced by c, 935): M. pēhtsihsin, C. pihtsisin.
Likewise forms like M. kiminekwaw he gives it to ynu, kiminenemuaw I give it to you, kimisimwaw ye give it to me, minātua' if they give it to the other, as opposed to mēnäw he gives it to him (812), kimēnineminaw we give it to you, and so on.
All this, however, as in the case of M. 1, leaves (4) a residuum of forms in which M. i corresponds directly to the i of the other languages. The morphologic character of these forms, as well as the parallelism of PCA. « make it likely that this PCA. i had its origin in pre-CentralAlgonquian changes of twē to ti, and of postconsonantal yē to i.
1. PCA. ti from pre-Central-Algonquian twē is recognizable, then, by M. i (not ē) and by the unchanged preceding t ($33). For example, there is a suffix forming reciprocal verbs, in which PCA. *-etu- alternates with PCA. *eti. This alternation is intelligible on an assumption of pre-Central-Algonquian *-etwe- (giving PCA. *-etu-, $23) alternating with *-etwē- (giving PCA. *-eti-). Example:
PCA. *nēmihetowaki they dance together (independent mode), *nēmihettwāte, *nēmihettwāwe if they dance together (conjunct mode): F. nimihetiwagi (analogic), nimihetīwāte, C. nīmihitowak nimihitutwāwi, (analogic), M. nim.hetowak, nimihetitua' (M. has nīmi- . for PCA. *nēm-i- owing to an analogy within the M. verbal system), 0. nīmihidiwag (analogic), nimihidiwād.
2. PCA. i as a reflex of pre-Central-Algonquian postconsonantal yē is probable in the following non-initial element for land, in view of the initial form *axky- (813):
PCA. *-axki- land: F. magwahkiwi mountain (PCA. *makw- rounded lump on a surface), M. ispāhk.w highland (PCA. *icp- high).
15. The PCA. semivowels were w and y. They are generally preserved initially and after vowels:
PCA. *nēyawi my body, myself: F. niyawi, C. niyaw, M. nēyaw, 0. niyaw.
16. The combination of vowel-semivowel-vowel is in certain cases replaced by a single long vowel. These cases seem to have been strictly limited even in PCA. time; for instance, the sequence -awe-existed in PCA. in forms like:
PCA. *kawenawa he lays him over, upsets him by hand, *kawenamwa same, with inanimate object (*kaw- fall over, *-en- by hand, transitive): F. kawenawa, C. kawinäw, kawinam, M. kawänäw, kawänam (cf. nikāwenaw 1 .... him, nikāwenan I .... it), O. kawinād, kawinang.
The cases of contraction, therefore, were even in PCA. remnants of an earlier sound change whose results had for the most part been overlaid by analogic reformations. A set of examples is given by Michelson, IJAL 1,300. The best examples are furnished by transitive verb stems in -aw- in combination with the initial e of endings and suffixes:
with *-ekw- undergoing; awe gives ā:
PCA. *nontaw. hear: F. nõtawäwa he hears him, M. nõhtawew, O. nõndawād: PCA. *nontākw-: F. nõtāgusiwa he is heard, M. nõhtak the other hears him, kinõhtak he hears thee, 0. kinondāg.
PCA. *täpehtawawa he hears him by being within reach of sound (*täp- reach all the way, suffice, *-eht-aw- hear animate object, noninitial): C. täpihtawäw: PCA. *täpihtākusiwa he is audible by being. within hearing (*-ekw-, *-esi- animate intransitive): C. täpihtākusiw.
with *-etu-, *-eti- reciprocal; awe gives ā:
PCA. *nakickawäwa he meets him (probably *naky- meet, *-eck-awfoot or body-movement on animate object): F. nagickawäwa, C. nakiskawäw: PCA. *nakickātowaki they meet: F. nagickātīwagi, C. nakiskātowak.
PCA. *naxkwäckawäwa he goes so as to correspond with the other (*naxkw- correspond, answer, hit on fly, *-ä- post-initial, *-eck-awas before): M. nahkīskawew: nahkiskatowak they meet on their courses.
with *-esu- reflexive; awe gives ā:
PCA. *-e-hk-aw- frequent, annoy, injure an animate object by foot or body-movement: F. asāmīhkawawa he frequents him too much (PCA. *usām- excess): F. winihkāsõwa he gets himself dirty (PCA. *wēndirty).
PCA. *nenuhtawäwa he understands the other's speech (*nenw- recognize, know, *-eht-aw as above): M. nenõhtawew: nenõhtasow he understands his own words.