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pounds," the various grades and places of appearance of the n-negative prefix in Indo-European may be summarized in the following table.
I. General. G. Meyer, Zur Geschichte der indogermanischen Stammbildung und Declination 11-13, Leipzig, 1875; J. Schmidt, in KZ 23. 271-6 (1877); Hirt, Der indogermanische Akzent 312-14, Strassburg, 1895; Delbrück, Vergleichende Syntax, 2. 521-35, Strassburg, 1897; Fowler, The Negatives of the Indo-European Languages, Chicago, 1896; Brugmann, Grundriss,2 2. 1. 105-6, Strassburg, 1906; Burlingame, The Compound Negative Prefix an-a in Greek and Indic, in AJP 39. 299-305 (1918).
II. Indian. (a) Sanskrit: Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik, 2. 77-80, Göttingen, 1905. (b) Prakrit and Modern Indian: S. Goldschmidt, in ZDMG 32. 99-104 (1878), and KZ 24. 426 (1879); Pischel, in BB 3. 243-5 (1879), and Grammatik der Präkrit-Sprachen 69, 127, Strassburg, 1900.
III. Iranian. (a) Avesta: Bartholomae, Altiranisches Wörterbuch, coll. 1, 112, 1030, Strassburg, 1904. (b) Modern Persian: Darmesteter, Études iraniennes, 1. 308-9, Paris, 1883; Horn, in Grundriss der iranischen Philologie, 1. 2. 193-4, Strassburg, 1901.
IV. Greek. Hamilton, The Negative Compounds in Greek, Baltimore, 1899; Hirt, Handbuch der griechischen Laut- und Formenlehre2 458, Heidelberg, 1912; Brugmann, Griechische Grammatik 194, Munich, 1913; Boisacq, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque 1. 667-8, Heidelberg, 1916.
57 This implies also exclusion of such a base as *aney(e)-, *anou(e)- *eney(e)-, *enou(e)-, as in Old High German âno, Gothic inu(h), Greek avev 'without,' Sanskrit ano 'not' (cf. Hirt, Ablaut 116, Vokalismus 149).
58 Only in Modern Persian.
"Only in Osco-Umbrian.
60 Slavic ni-, Baltic në-.
V. Latin. Lindsay, The Latin Language 614-15, Oxford, 1894; Stolz, Historische Grammatik der lateinischen Sprache 394-5, Leipzig, 1894; Walde, Lateinisches etymologisches Wörterbuch 381, 510, 518, Heidelberg, 1910.
VI. Celtic. Zeuss, Grammatica Celtica2 860, 893-4, Berlin, 1871; Zimmer, “Die Privativpartikel an in den keltischen Sprachen", in KZ 24. 523-39 (1879); Pedersen, Vergleichende Grammatik der keltischen Sprachen, 1. 45, 250; 2. 6-8, 252-61, Göttingen, 1909-13; Jones, Welsh Grammar 264, Oxford, 1913.
VII. Teutonic. Kluge, in Grundriss der germanischen Philologie 1. 476, 480, Strassburg, 1901; Feist, Etymologisches Wörterbuch der gotischen Sprache2 281-2, 391, Halle, 1923. VIII. Slavic. Miklosich, Vergleichende Grammatik der slavischen Sprachen, 2. 353358, Vienna, 1875; Vondrák, Vergleichende slavische Grammatik, 1. 342. 502, Göttingen, 1906.
ON THE SOUND-SYSTEM OF CENTRAL ALGONQUIAN
THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY
1. The Central Algonquian Languages form a group which, together with Eastern Algonquian, constitutes the Eastern-Central branch of the Algonquian stock. While the similarity between the Central Algonquian languages is evident, the exact grouping is doubtful. Michelson (BAE, Ann. Rep. 28, 221) classifies them as follows:
(1) Cree group: a number of dialects falling into two general types, Cree and Montagnais,
(2) Menomini, a single dialect,
(3) Sauk group: Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, and the somewhat divergent Shawnee,
(4) Ojibwa group: a number of dialects known as Ojibwa (Chippewa), Algonquin, Ottawa, Potawatomi,
(5) Peoria group: Peoria, Miami, Illinois,
(6) Delaware group,
(7) Natick group.
The following notes aim to show the chief correspondences between the first four groups. It is hoped that the outline here given may serve as a basis for further discussion.1
The material is taken from the publications of Jones and Michelson (listed AJP 43,276); for Menomini from my notes collected in 1920-21; for Cree I use Lacombe, Dictionnaire et grammaire de la langue des Cris, Montreal 1874, correcting the forms where necessary, from observations made last summer for the Canadian Bureau of Mines. Baraga's Dictionary of the Otchipwe Language, Montreal 1880, and Cuoq's Lexique de la langue algonquine, Montreal 1886, have been used to supplement Jones' Ojibwa Texts.
1 1 I hope, also, to help dispose of the notion that the usual processes of linguistic change are suspended on the American continent (Meillet and Cohen, Les langues du monde, Paris 1924, p. 9). If there exists anywhere a language in which these processes do not occur (sound-change independent of meaning, analogic change, etc.), then they will not explain the history of Indo-European or of any other language. A principle such as the regularity of phonetic change is not part of the specific tradition handed on to each new speaker of a given language, but is either a universal trait of human speech or nothing at all, an error.
2. The phonemes of Central Algonquian are of four kinds: vowels (a), semivowels (w), consonants (k), and consonant-groups (ck). Syllables are of the following patterns:
Every word in Primitive Central Algonquian (PCA.) ended in a short vowel, which is normally preserved only in the Fox group and in Peoria (Michelson, IJAL 1,56); in disyllabic words also in Cree and partly in Menomini and Ojibwa.
The symbols set up for PCA. sounds are of course little more than arbitrary tags; in general my notation is made so as to agree with that of the published texts and, beyond that, so as to be easily printed and read. The symbol c denotes an abnormal sibilant, as in English she; ', a glottal stop.
3. The PCA. vowel-system seems to have been:
4. The chief divergence consists in a thorough-going redistribution of vowel-quantities in Menomini, which has resulted in a complex but regular alternation of long and short vowels, in which the original quantities still manifest themselves. In this sketch the Menomini examples are so chosen that the reader can safely discount the divergences as to vowel quantity. Short vowels in the first syllables of words show some deviation in Fox. Otherwise the correspondence of the four groups, Sauk and Fox (F.), Cree (C.), Menomini (M.), and Ojibwa (O.) is quite regular:
5. The low short back vowel, a, appears in variants ranging all the way to the timbre of the American English vowel in son; for these variants the authors use different symbols, but as the variation is not distinctive, we may here disregard it. Example:
PCA. *kēckahamwa he severs it by tool (*kēck- sever, *-ah- act by tool on inanimate object, *-am-w-a inflectional ending, he . . . . it): F. kickahamwa, C. kiskaham, M. kēskaham, O. kīckahang. The O. form is given in the conjunct mode (subordinate clause form) because this in O. is more transparent than the independent mode; so in the case of all O. transitive verbs in the following examples.
6. Long ǎ:
PCA. *napäwa he is male (verb); male (noun), *unāpämalı her husband (stem *napä-, *-w- noun formative, *-w- sign of third person independent mode in verb, *-a animate singular inflection, *u- third person possessor, *-em- mark of possessed noun, *-al ending for obviative, i.e., "fourth person" noun, the possessor being here the third person): F. unäpämani, her husband, C. unāpäma, nāpäw man, M. nāpäw he is male, O. nābä male, unabäman her husband.
7. PCA. u:
PCA. *pemuh@äwa he walks by, onward (*pem- continuous movement through space or time, *-uh0ä- walk, non-initial element, *-w-a as above): F. pemusawa, C. pimuhtäw, M. pemōhnew, O. pimusä. For the quantity in M. cf. nipämuhnem I walk along, pämuhnet when he walked on. Before w the vowel u appears to be replaced by ō, but in M. this ō differs from stable ō (PCA. ō, §8) by not taking the stress accent peculiar to M. long vowels; hence we may write o instead of ō in M. and PCA. forms:
PCA. *nekamowa he sings: F. nagamōwa, C. nikamōw, M. nekāmow, O. nigamō.
For the M. accent contrast the plural nekā ́mowak they sing with the plural manäto'wak game-animals (PCA. ō).
8. Long ō is uniform:
PCA. *manetōwa manitou: F. manetōwa, C. manitōw, O. manidō, M. manätōw game-animal.
PCA. *pōsiwa he embarks: F. pōsiwa, C. M. pōsiw, O. pōzi.
9. PCA. e: C. and O. have i:
PCA. *pemātesiwa he lives (*pem- as in §7, *-at- way of being, character, *-esi- formative of animate verb): F. pemātesiwa, C. pimātisiw, M. pemātesiw, O. pimādizi.