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good fighting material as and not to the Congo State. As be found when drilled and discip- regards the Northern Sudan, we lined, the balance of power in can only preserve it from French Western Asia would be altered if occupation by at once reconquerit should be found feasible to pour ing it from Egypt as a base, or these levies into Asia Minor. by constructing the Suakim-Berber

From all this it is apparent that railway and occupying it in our the issues are very serious, the own right from that base on the crisis a very grave one, and our Red Sea. There is no doubt that mistakes not few. Germany, as the latter course would be inwe have seen, is very justly ex- finitely preferable, for the rule of asperated, and in consequence of Egypt is detested in the Sudan, mistakes France has

and an attempt to re-establish it valid arguments against us. She would meet with the combined is, moreover, naturally more irri- hostility of Mahdists and tribes tated at our attempt to assist alike; whereas British rule would the Congo State to violate her probably be welcomed and assisted treaties than if we had ourselves by the tribes as a relief from the gone in and taken the country. oppression of the Mahdi. It could Sir Edward Grey stated that the therefore be established at a less French Government had given no cost and with less bloodshed. undertaking not to invade the Moreover, if we held the Sudan leased territory pending discussion up to Wady Halfa as a British with Great Britain of the points possession, we should completely at issue. This means, of course, safeguard our position in Egypt, that if she does not advance on for that country would not then Dem Suliman towards the North- be tenable by any other Power. ern Sudan, she will at least attack If, however, we occupy the Sudan and oust the Congo State forces an Egyptian province, our north of the 4th degree—setting tenure is dependent only on our aside Turkish rights on the pre-occupation of Egypt, and ceases cedent of our initiative.

with that occupation. We argue, are pledged to King Leopold, and in fact, that a British occupation he is merely our lessee, such action of the Nile Valley above Wady will be an overt act of hostility Halfa would be a final solution towards England, at any rate east to French intrigue in Egypt. of long. 30° West of long. 30° These views may appear “adthere appears no course open to us vanced,” but we are face to face but to acknowledge that our lease with a very grave crisis. It is no to the Congo State is in violation longer a question of the expendiof the treaty between France and ture of a few thousand pounds to the State. In the actual valley of occupy Lado as it was two years the Nile (east of long. 30°), it is ago, but of averting a contingency essential that we should substanti- which may cost us many millions ate our claims, defend our rights, and

many

lives. This is not the and fulfil our pledges to King place to enlarge upon the great Leopold (whom we have placed benefits to British trade, or the in an awkward position) by at real blow to the worst forms of once sending an expedition into slave - trade which are at the country from Uganda. This stake. The former was ably dealt portion was leased to the king, with in a recent paper read by

as

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now

Mr Wylde before the Manchester while the news affords but a new
Chamber of Commerce. The latter argument for immediate action on
can be gauged from Father Ohr- the spot ourselves.
walder's accounts 1 and Gordon's Such, then, is the dilemma in
and Gessi's books.

which the present Government's A Brussels paper of June 16 policy has landed us, and such is states that King Leopold's forces the cost of the parsimonious régime have never effectively occupied which two years ago grudged a few either Lado or Wadelai, but only thousand pounds to hold Uganda, pushed reconnaissances to those and disregarded the urgent repreplaces, whence they were driven sentations of those who had local back by the attacks of the der- knowledge, and who proved the vishes. Our claims, as we have necessity of at once occupying emphatically stated, depend in the Equatoria at a merely nominal event upon effective occupation, cost. The alternative is to eat and it is a new proof of the hap- dirtwith dishonour, and to stand hazard way and lack of informa- by and see the whole Nile Valley, tion with which this treaty was

to the frontiers of Egypt, pass framed, that its very raison d'être into the hands of France, and our is now found to be chimerical; final ejection from Egypt assured.

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The position of the Government measures has been read a second at the present moment abund- time. antly justifies all the predictions Ministers have not yet anconcerning the progress of public nounced their intentions with rebusiness which were uttered by gard to the arrears of legislation. political writers at the commence- But if they are to carry through ment of the session. The public the Commons any other measure were then given to understand of importance after the Budget is that there were three measures disposed of, it can only be by an unwhich the Ministry certainly in- sparing application of the closure, tended to carry through the or by a supplementary session in House of Commons before Parlia- the autumn. It is generally underment was prorogued — three at stood that they have abandoned all least—the Registration Bill, the idea of the latter, and are very Evicted Tenants Bill, and the unwilling to have recourse to the Welsh Disestablishment Bill. former. Yet if their financial These stood first, and constituted business is not concluded before the fixed programme from which the

the middle of July, and they there was to be no departure, neither gag the House of ComNext to these came the Scotch mons in August nor assemble it Local Government Bill and the again in November, they must Scotch Disestablishment Bill, throw over their whole programme which were represented as having to another year; and this, it now strong claims on the Government, seems likely, is what they are preand fair prospects of being sent pared to do. Whether in that case up to the Lords before the session a dissolution would take place at was concluded. Then came the once, or be deferred till next April Local Veto Bill

, the Equalisation or May, is a point with regard to of Rates Bill, and such other which every succeeding day brings “pretty little tiny kickshawsits fresh crop of rumours.

Minas William Cook might see his isters may be of opinion that, with way to serving up. On the top the Budget in one hand and Conof them all we were to have a servative obstruction in the other, highly sensational Budget, which they may cut as good a figure bewould, it was believed, impose fore the public as they are likely such heavy additional burdens on to do at any other time; and it is an already overburdened interest quite upon the cards, therefore, that as to call for the most strenuous they may resolve on a dissolution opposition on the part of the Con- when the Budget is once out of servatives; and all this work was danger. But of a Government to be accomplished in little more which is at the mercy of every than four months with a majority petty clique in the House of of only twenty-six, liable at any Commons, and obliged to twist moment to be reduced to seven- and double like a hare before the teen. We have now reached the greyhound, it is waste of time to beginning of July. The Budget attempt to calculate the course. Bill is still in Committee, and only It is enough that they are now one of the leading Government where we always said they neces

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sarily must be by the middle of And here we may pause for a the session; that the bubble has moment to point out that the word burst, and that the sessional pro- Conservative is wide enough to gramme is discovered to be a cover both Liberal and Conservaheartless hoax.

tive Unionists, as distinguished The victims of it—the English from Destructives, by which name Radicals, the Irish Home Rulers, the motley host of Parnellites, Disand the Welsh Liberationists senters, Teetotallers, Puritans, and may make the best of a bad job, Levellers who support Lord Rosepatch up the concern, and resolve bery's Administration may most to give the Government another fitly be described. By the word chance. But what will the nation Conservative, then, would at large be saying all the time? henceforth be understood to mean What the Government require is both the followers of the Duke of a great accession of strength. It Devonshire and the followers of will be useless for them to come Lord Salisbury. The policy of the back, after a general election, with Liberal Unionists is a Conservative only the same majority which they policy in the broadest sense of the possess now; and it is difficult to

term. Mr Chamberlain himself suppose that their career during defines true Liberalism to be that the last two years can have made " which endeavours to found the the public think any better of great institutions of the country them than they did before. It upon the firm basis of the welfare is wonder, therefore, that and contentment of every class in they dislike the prospect of a the community.” If this is true dissolution; and at this Liberalism, it is certainly true Conment the prevailing opinion seems servatism. The final cause of Conto be that they will prorogue servatism is the maintenance of Parliament in August, without the national institutions; and if passing any more of their bills, they do not rest on the welfare and and trust to something turning up contentment of the people, they in their favour before the New cannot be maintained at all. The Year. They are in desperate Destructives, on the other hand, straits; and there, for the present, are determined to destroy these inwe will leave them. We have said stitutions—the Church, the House enough in previous articles in ex- of Lords, and the territorial aristoposure of their weakness, insincer- cracy-on a priori grounds; and ity, and trickery; of their breaches to facilitate the process, they resist of faith; of their clumsy and slip- every attempt at improving or reshod measures; of their sacrifices forming them, for fear it should of honour and dignity to the tend to make the people too well sweets of office; and of their contented with them. We shall contempt for parliamentary pre- offer no further apology, therefore, cedents. We may on this occa- for distinguishing the two parties sion, perhaps, look a little further into which the country is now forward, and consider what the divided as Conservatives and DeUnionist party has to offer to the structives. country should the verdict of the It will be expected here, perconstituencies put an end to the haps, that we should make some existing mockery, and with what reference to the fact that Mr degree of cordiality a Conservative Chamberlain is not himself in programme is likely to be received. favour of the principle of Estab

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lishment. But it is quite evident dividing the empire - schemes

— that he holds the contrary opinion which would do the working man merely in an abstract form, and

earthly

of good. is not in any way prepared to These are: Employers' Liability, reduce his theory to practice, the Dwellings of the Poor, Old if by doing so he is likely to Age Pensions, and the Immigraendanger the entente cordiale of tion of Pauper Aliens. He dewhich he is so warm a supporter. clared that the Employers' LiabilIt may be remembered, also, that ity Bill introduced by the present Lord Palmerston always voted for Government would only have given Mr Locke King's and Mr H. Berke- compensation in three cases out of ley's resolutions in favour of parlia- ten, and would have left the mentary reform, merely to acknow- working man to the chances of ledge the principle — though he litigation. took very good care, as long as he

“Now, my principle—and I believe lived, that it should go no further. I am justified in saying that it is the

Now the first thing to be im- principle of the Unionist party, be. pressed on the working classes of cause I have had the opportunity of Great Britain is the fact that what talking with the leaders of the Conthe Conservative party can do for

servative party on the subject-our them, the party now in office can

principle is that

every man should not.

have a right to compensation as a This was clearly brought certainty and without the necessity out by Mr Chamberlain in his of litigation and without wasting speech at Bradford on the 2d of money. If you will give us your June last. “I have said enough support, that is one of the first questo show you that, in spite of Lord

tions to which the attention of the

Unionist party will be given.” Rosebery's sneers, there is plenty for Unionists to do, plenty which The second boon which, speak

are willing and able to do, ing for Conservatives and Unioninasmuch as we are not hampered ists alike, Mr Chamberlain offers by the necessity for breaking up to the people, is a great extension of the empire, and for mending and the Artisans Dwellings Acts passed ending every one of our institu- by Lord Beaconsfield's Government tions. You cannot expect to get in 1875 and in 1879, the greatest these social reforms," he adds, step in the right direction which " from the Gladstonian party, has hitherto been taken. He

probecause, even if they are well nounces the extension of these Acts disposed towards them, it is abso- to be, as it certainly is, a thoroughly lutely impossible for men com- Tory proposition. It is so in two

. mitted as they are to all these ways: because, first of all, it political and constitutional changes would carry still further the proto give any attention to social visions of the Acts aforesaid, and constructive reform.” These giving larger powers to muniwords sound the keynote of the cipalities and local authorities to argument which ought to be con- deal with great areas—crowded and tinually addressed to the working insanitary areas—in their midst, men of Great Britain. Mr Cham- and to clear the ground for the berlain enumerates four questions provision of a better class of on which the Unionists would be dwellings ;” and secondly, beprepared to legislate immediately, cause it would also apply to the uninterrupted by schemes for dwellings of the English poor abolishing the constitution and the principle already applied by

VOL. CLVI.—NO. DCCCCXLV.

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