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for the defence of which they had entered into an alliance, resolved to make a solemn application to England. You, Count, came, in consequence, to Paris, and a correspondence ensued between you and the British Government. But the Cabinet of London, which had perceived that war was about to be rekindled on the Continent, rejected all overtures towards negociation. Sweden had refused to shut her ports against England; and Russia, in conformity to the stipulations of Tilsit, had declared war against her. The result to

means of perpetuating the duration of that | maritime peace, and then as much diswar, by founding her financial system upon posed as at Tilsit to defend those principles the tributes which she arrogated to herself -a right of imposing upon all people. Already in 1806, and while France was at war with Prussia and Russia, she had proclaimed a blockade which had placed under an interdict the entire coast of an empire. When His Majesty entered Berlin, he answered this monstrous presumption by a Decree of blockade against the British Isles. But to meet the Orders in Council of 1807, more direct and specific measures were necessary; and His Majesty, by the Decree of Milan, of the 17th of December of the same year, declared all those flags dena-her was, the loss of Finland, which was tionalized which should permit their neutrality to be violated by submitting to those Orders. The attempt on Copenhagen had been sudden and public. England had prepared in Spain new attempts, hatched with reflection and in the dark.Not having been able to shake the determination of Charles IV., she formed a party against that Prince, who would not sacrifice to her the interests of his kingdom. She used the name of the Prince of the Asturias, and the father was driven from his throne by the name of the son. The enemies of France and the partisans of England took possession of the Sovereign authority.- His Majesty, called upon by Charles the Fourth, sent troops into Spain, and war was commenced in the Peninsula.- -By one of the stipulations of Tilsit, Russia was to evacuate Wallachia and Moldavia. This evacuation was deferred-new revolutions, which had taken place at Constantinople, had several times bathed in blood the walls of the Seraglio. Thus scarcely a year had elapsed from the peace of Tilsit-the affairs of Copenhagen, of Constantinople, and the Orders in Council, published in 1807, in England, had placed Europe in so unlooked-for a situation, that the two Sovereigns thought proper to come to an understanding, and the interview at Erfurth took place.With the same designs, and inspired by the same spirit which had directed their proceedings at Tilsit, they agreed as to what exacted from them such considerable changes. The Emperor consented to withdraw his troops from Russia, and at the same time consented that Russia should not only evacuate Wallachia and Moldavia, but that she should unite these provinces to her empire.The two Sovereigns, inspired with one and the same desire of re-establishing a

united to the Russian empire; and at the same time the Russian armies occupied the fortresses on the Danube, and made war with effect upon the Turks.—Nevertheless, the system of England was triumphant. Her Orders in Council threatened to produce the most important results; and the tribute, which was to furnish the means of supporting the perpetual war which she had declared, was perceptible upon the seas. Holland and the Hanseatic Towns continuing to trade with her, their commerce frustrated the salutary and decisive regulations of the Decrees of Berlin and Milan, which alone were calculated to effectually resist the principles of the British Orders in Council. The execution of these Decrees could not be assured, but by the daily exercise of a firm and vigilant Administration. Unexposed to the influence of the enemy, Holland, and the Hanseatic Towns, it was necessary, should be united. But while the sentiments dearest to the heart of His Majesty yielded to the interest of his people and that of the Continent, great changes were taking place. Russia abandoned the principle to which she had pledged herself at Tilsit, viz. to make common cause with France, which she had proclaimed in her Declaration of War against England, and which had dictated the Decrees of Berlin and Milan.--They were evaded by the Ukase which opened the ports of Russia to all English ships laden with colonial produce, English property, provided that they were under a foreign flag. This unexpected blow annulled the Treaty of Tilsit, and those important transactions which had put an end to the struggle between the two greatest Empires of the World, and which had afforded to Europe a probability of obtaining a maritime peace. Approaching commotions and bloody wars were of course to

-His Majesty nevertheless remained unmoved (impossible). He persevered in his desire of an arrangement: he was of opinion, that at any period it would be time enough to resort to arms; he required only that powers should be sent to Prince Kurakin, and that a negociation should be opened with respect to these differences, which might be thus easily terminated, and which were by no means of a nature to call for the effusion of blood. They were reducible to the four following points :1st. The existence of the Duchy of Warsaw, which had been a condition of the peace of Tilsit, and which, since the close of 1809, gave Russia occasion to manifest those instances of defiance to which His Majesty answered with condescension, carried as far as the most exacting friendship could desire, and honour could allow.2d. The annexation of Oldenburgh, which the war against England had rendered necessary, and which was conformable to the spirit of the Treaty of Tilsit.-3d. The Legislation respecting trade in English merchandises and denationalized vessels, which ought to be regulated according to the spirit and the terms of the Treaty of Tilsit.

be immediately expected. The conduct | Oldenburgh, by sacrificing the existence of of Russia at this time was constantly di- the Duchy of Warsaw; perhaps, also, rected towards these fatal results. The Russia, not being able to disguise from uniting of the Duchy of Oldenburgh, dove- herself the fact of her having violated the tailed, as it were, into the countries re- Treaty of Tilsit, had recourse to force, for cently brought under the same principles ro other purpose but to seek to justify of Government as France, was a necessary violations which could not be defended. consequence of the uniting of the Hanseatic Towns. An indemnity was offered. This object was easy to regulate with reciprocal advantage. But your Cabinet made an affair of State of it; and, for the first time, was seen a Manifesto of an ally against an ally. The reception of English vessels in Russian ports, and the regulations of the Ukase of 1810, had made it known that the treaties were dissolved. The Manifesto showed that not only the bonds which had united the two Governments were broken, but that Russia had publicly thrown the gauntlet to France, for a difficulty which was foreign to her, and which could not be solved but by the method which His Majesty had proposed.- -It was not to be concealed that the refusal of this offer disclosed the project of a rupture already formed. Russia prepared for it at the very time that she was dictating terms of peace to Turkey; she suddenly recalled five divisions of the army of Moldavia: and, in the month of February 1811, it was known at Paris that the army of the Duchy of Warsaw had been obliged to repass the Vistula, in order to fall back upon the Confederation, because the Russian armies, on the frontiers, were so numerous, and had assumed so menacing a posture. When Russia had resolved on measures contrary to the interests of the active war which she had to support-when she had imparted to her armies a developement burdensome to her finances, and without any object, in the situation in which all the Powers of the Continent were then placed, all the French troops were within the Rhine, except a corps of 40,000 men, stationed at Hamburgh for the defence of the coasts of the North Sea, and for the maintenance of tranquillity in the countries recently united; the reserved places in Prussia were occupied only by the Allied troops. A garrison of only four thousand men had remained at Dantzic; and the troops of the Duchy of Warsaw were on the peace establishment, a part of them even was in Spain. The preparations of Russia then were without object, unless she entertained an expectation to impose upon France by a grand array of forces, and to oblige her to put an end to the discussions respecting

4th. Lastly, the dispositions of the Ukase of 1810, which, by destroying all the commercial relations of France with Russia, and opening her ports to simulated flags freighted with English property, were contrary to the letter of the Treaty of Tilsit.

-Such would have been the objects of the negociation.As to what concerned the Duchy of Warsaw, His Majesty would have been forward to adopt a Convention, by which he would pledge himself not to encourage any enterprise which might have a tendency, directly or indirectly, to lead to the re-establishment of Poland.--As to Oldenburgh, he offered to accept the intervention of Russia, which nevertheless had no right to interfere in what involved a Prince of the Confederation of the Rhine, and he agreed to give that Prince an indemnity. With regard to commerce in English merchandises and to denationalized ships, His Majesty desired to come to some understanding, in order to reconcile the wants of Russia with the principles of the Continental System, and the spirit of the

Treaty of Tilsit.And, lastly, as to the Ukase, His Majesty consented to conclude a Treaty of Commerce, which, in securing the commercial relations of France, would, at the same time, provide for all the interests of Russia.The Emperor flattered himself, that such dispositions, dictated by so manifest a spirit of conciliation, would, at length, have led to an arrangement. But it was impossible to prevail upon Russia to grant the powers for opening a negociation. She invariably answered all the new offers made to her by fresh armaments, and the conclusion was, at length, necessarily come to, that she refused to explain, because she had nothing to propose but what she dared not avow, and which could not be granted to her; that it was not any stipulations, which by identifying the Duchy of Warsaw still more with Saxony, and placing that Duchy in security from any commotions that might alarm Russia for the tranquillity of her provinces, that she was desirous to obtain, but the Duchy itself, which she wished to unite to herself: that it was not her own commerce, but that of the English which she wished to favour, in order to release England from the catastrophe which menaced her: that it was not for the interests of the Duke of Oldenburgh that Russia wished to interfere in the business respecting the annexation of that Duchy, but that it was an open quarrel with France that she wished to keep in reserve, till the moment of the rupture for which she was preparing.— The Emperor then became sensible that he had not a moment to lose. He also had recourse to arms. He took measures to oppose army to army, in order to guarantee a State of the second order so often menaced, and which reposed all its confidence upon his protection and good faith.--Nevertheless, Count, His Majesty still continued to avail himself of every opportunity to manifest his sentiments. He declared publicly, on the 15th of August last, the necessity of arresting the very dangerous course in which affairs were proceeding, and wished to attain that object by arrangements, for which he never ceased to request that a negociation should be entered into. Towards the close of the month of November following, His Majesty believed he might indulge the hope that this view was at length likely to be participated in by your Cabinet. It was announced by you, Count, to the Ambassador of His Majesty, that M. de Nes

selrode was destined to proceed to Paris with instructions. Four months elapsed before His Majesty was apprized that this mission would not take place. He instantly sent for Colonel Czernichew, and gave him a letter to the Emperor Alexander, which was a fresh endeavour to open negociations. M. de Czernichew arrived on the 10th of March at St. Petersburg, and that letter still remains unanswered.How is it possible longer to dissemble that Russia evades all approximation? For eighteen months she has made it a constant rule to lay her hand upon her sword whenever propositions for an arrangement have been made to Russia. Seeing himself thus constrained to abandon every hope from Russia, His Majesty, before he should commence this contest in which so much blood must be shed, felt it to be his duty to address himself to the English Government. The distress felt by England, the agitations to which she is a prey, and the changes which have taken place in her Government, decided His Majesty to take this course. A sincere desire of peace dictated the proceeding, which I have received orders to communicate to you. No agent had been sent to London, and there has been no other communications between the two Governments. The letter, of which your Excellency will find a copy annexed, and which I addressed to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs of His Britannic Majesty, had been sent by sea to the Commandant on the Dover station.- -The course which I now take towards you, Count, is a consequence of the dispositions of the Treaty of Tilsit, with which His Majesty has the wish to comply till the last moment. If the overtures made to England should produce any result, I shall take the earliest opportunity to make it known to your Excellency. His Majesty the Emperor Alexander will participate in the business, either in consequence of the Treaty of Tilsit, or as an ally of England, if his relations with that country be already adjusted.—I am formally commanded, Count, to express, in concluding this dispatch, the wish already communicated by His Majesty to Colonel Czernichew, to see those negociations, which, during eighteen months, he has never ceased to solicit, prevent, at length, those events which humanity would have so much reason to deplore.may be the situation of things when this letter shall reach your Excellency, Peace will still depend upon the determinations of

-Whatever

your Cabinet.
I have the honour,
Count, to offer you the assurance of my
high consideration.

THE DUKE OF BASSANO.

Copy of a Note from Prince Kurakin to the Minister of Foreign Affairs.-Paris, 18 (30) April, 1812.

the Emperor, my master, it now remains for me to provide for my responsibility towards my Court, by officially acquitting myself, in the communication which I have received orders to make to your Excellency, and which hitherto have been only made verbally.I am ordered to declare to your Excellency, that the preservation of Prussia, and her independence from every

sia, is indispensable to the interests of his Imperial Majesty. In order to arrive at a real state of peace with France, it is necessary that there should be between her and Russia a neutral country, which shall not be occupied by the troops of either of the two powers; that as the entire policy of his Majesty the Emperor, my master, is calcu lated to preserve solid and stable principles of amity with France, which cannot subsist so long as foreign armies continue to be quartered so near the Russian frontiers, the first basis of negociation can be, no other than a formal engagement or a complete evacuation of the Prussian States, and of all the strong places of Prussia, whatsoever may have been the period and the pretext of their occupation by the French or Allied troops; of a diminution of the garrison of Dantzic; the evacuation of Swedish Pomerania, and an arrangement with the King of Sweden, calculated to give mutual satisfaction to the crowns of France and Sweden.

My Lord Duke,-Since the interview which I had on Tuesday last with your Ex-political engagement directed against Rus cellency, and in the course of which you gave me reason to suppose that the verbal communications which I had the honour of making, according to the tenor of my latest instructions, should be admitted as the grounds of the arrangements on which we are about to enter; since that time I have not been able to find you at home, and enter into a second conference, in order to the discussion of this object, and the settling the project of this convention.It is impossible for me, my Lord, to defer any longer transmitting to the Emperor, my master, an account of the execution of the orders he has given me. I acquitted my self verbally towards his Majesty the Emperor and King, in the private audience which he granted me on Monday. I also acquitted myself in the same manner towards your Excellency, in my interview with you on Friday, Monday, and Tuesday. I flattered myself, that the agreement to a project of convention, founded upon a basis which I had the honour to propose, and -I must declare, that when the meawhich I had hoped would be agreeable to sures above-mentioned shall be acquiesced his Majesty the Emperor and King, would in on the part of France, as the basis of the put it in my power to prove immediately to arrangement to be concluded, I shall be his Majesty the Emperor, my master, that permitted to promise, that such arrange I had fulfilled his intentions, and had the ments may include, on the part of his Magood fortune to have done so successfully. jesty the Emperor, my master, the follow Deprived for two days of the power of seeing engagements: Without deviating ing your Excellency, of following up and from the principles adopted by the Empeconcluding, in conjunction with you, a work ror of all the Russias for the commerce of so important and so urgent, in consequence his States, and for the admission of neutrals of the circumstances that are to be submit- into the ports of his dominions-principles ted to us, that not a single day should be which his Majesty can never renounce, he lost; and seeing the certainty overthrown binds himself, as a proof of his adherence with which I had flattered myself that this to the alliance formed at Tilsit, not to adopt work would be finished without delay, and any change of the prohibitive measures estawhich might lead to the conclusion that itblished in Russia, and severely observed to ought to have, namely, that of preventing the fatal consequences of the close approach which has been made by the army of his Majesty the Emperor and King to that of

the present time, against direct trade with England. His Majesty is also ready to agree with his Majesty the Emperor of the (To be continued.)

Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent-Garden.
LONDON: Printed by J. M'Creery, Black Horse-Court, Fleet-street.

COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.

VOL. XXII. No. 5.] LONDON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 1, 1812.

129]

[Price 1s.

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about them whether there be an election going on or not; and also, in case of fortihed towns, where, though there be an election going on, soldiers are to remain in sufficient number to take care of the works. Now, then, as Bristol is neither a place of residence of the Royal Family, nor a for

TO MY CORRESPONDENTS. Since I have returned home, the postage of Letters has cost me more than thirty shillings a week. This is an expense that it would be inconvenient for me to bear. I therefore hereby notify, that, after this day week, I will never, on any account, receive any letter, from any body, the post-tified town, it is clear, that, if soldiers have age of which is not paid, whether by the General or by the Twopenny post; and that I will pay the postage of all the Letters that I send to any persons whatever. Parcels left with Mr. Bagshaw, Brydges Street, Covent Garden, will be forwarded to me with care.

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been suffered to remain in, or to return to, your city within the periods above described, the election must be void; or, there is, at once, an end to the above-mentioned act of parliament, and also to the ancient common law of England in this respect, and the very show of freedom of election is gone. It has not only been stated to me from the best authority; but, it has been stated in print by your wellknown enemies, that soldiers were not only brought within the precincts of your city, during the time that the poll was open, but that they actually were stationed, with bayonets fixed, in the very Guildhall; and, in short, that after the first or second day of the election, the city was under the control of military armed men.

If I have not to congratulate you upon the return of Mr. Hunt as your representative, I may well congratulate you upon the spirit which you have shown during the election, and upon the prospect of final suc- This being the case, there can be no cess from the exertion of a similar spirit. doubt of the election being declared void; That another contest will take place in a or, if it be not, there will, at any rate, be few months there can be no doubt; for, the no disguise; it will become openly declared, law allows of no exceptions with regard to that soldiers, under the command of men the use of soldiers. The ancient common appointed by the King, and removeable at law of England forbade not only the use, his sole will, can be, at any time, brought but the very show of force of any kind, at into a place where an election is going on, elections; and, the act of parliament, made and can be stationed in the very building in the reign of King George the Second, is where the poll is taken. Whether, amongst quite positive as to a case like yours. the other strange things of our day, we are That Act, after stating the principle of the doomed to witness this, is more than I can Common Law as to soldiers in an election say; but, at the least, it will be something town, says, that, when an election is about decisive; something that will speak a plain to take place in any city or borough, where-language; something that will tend to fain there are any soldiers stationed or quartered, the soldiers shall be removed out of the said city or borough; that they shall go out one day, at least, before the poll begins; that they shall not return till one day, at least, after the poll has closed; that the distance to which they shall be removed, shall be two miles at least. There are a few exceptions, such as Westminster or any other place where the Royal Family may be, who are to have their guards

shion men's minds to what is to come.

But, I have heard it asked: "would you, then, in no case, have soldiers called in during an election? Would you "rather see a city burnt down?" Aye would I, and to the very ground; and, rather than belong to a city where soldiers were to be brought in to assist at elections, I would expire myself in the midst of the flames, or, at least, it would be my duty so to do, though I might fail in the courage

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