tic, and ordered him to be burned in effigy. This injurious treatment did not in the leaft obftruct the progress of the reformation. Desertions were made from popery in every town and village; and even many members of the church, both fecular and regular, were forward to embrace the new principles, and to atone for their paft mistakes by the bittereft railleries against the corruptions and the folly of the Romifh faith. The priests were treated in all places with ridicule and contempt. The images, crucifixes, and relics, which ferved to roufe the decaying fervours of fuperftition, were ftolen from the churches, and trampled under foot. The bishops implored the affiftance of the queen-regent. Citations were given to the preachers to appear in their defence. They obeyed; but with fuch a formidable retinue, that it was with difficulty fhe was permitted to apologife for her conduct. James Chalmers of Gaitgirth, preffing forward from the crowd, addressed himfelf to her: "We vow to God, that the devices of the prelates fhall not be carried into execution. We are oppreffed to maintain them in their idle. nefs. They feek to undo and murder our preachers and us; and we are determined to fubmit no longer to this wickednefs." The multitude, applauding his fpeech, put their hands to their daggers. A trufty meffenger was difpatched to Geneva, inviting John Knox to return to his own country; but upon farther confideration, by oppofite difpatches, Knox was requested to delay his journey for fome time. To this zealous reformer their unfteadiness was a matter of ferious affliction; and in the answer, he rebuked them with severity, but intreated them not to faint under their purposes, from apprehenfions of danger. To particular persons he wrote other addresses; and to all of them the greatest attention was paid. In 1557, a formal bond of agreement, which obtained the appellation of the first covenant, was en tered into, and all the more eminent perfons who favoured the reformation were invited to fubfcribe it. The earls of Argyle, Glencairn, aud Morton, with the lord Lorn, and John Erskine of Dun, led the way, by subscribing it. All the fubfcribers to this deed, renouncing the fuperftitions and idolatry of the church of Rome, promifed to apply continually their whole power and wealth, and even to give up their lives, to forward and efra. blish the word of God. They diftinguished the reformed, by calling them the Congregation of Chrift; and by the opprobrious title of the Congregation of Satan, they peculiarized the favourers of Popery. After the leaders of the reformation had fubfcribed the first covenant, they addreffed letters to John Knox, urging in the strongest terms his return to Scotland; and that their hopes of his affiftance might not be difappointed, they fent an addrefs to John Calvin, the celebrated reformer, begging him to join his commands to their intreaties. The Abp. of St Andrew's, who perceived the rifing ftorm, was in a difficult fituation. A powerful combination threatened ruin to the church; and he had separated himself from the politics of the queen-regent. The zeal of the Roman Catholics pointed out ftrong meafures to bim; and his difpofitions were pacific. The

The

clergy were offended with his remissness. reformers detefted his loofe principles, and were fhocked with the depravity of his life. He tried the force of addrefs, and did not fucceed. He then refolved to be fevere, and was ftill more unfuccefsful. The earl of Argyle was the most powerful of the reformers. To allure him from his party, the Abp. of St Andrew's employed Sir David Hamilton. But the kindness be affected, and the advices he bestowed, were no compliment to this nobleman; and his threats were despised. The reformers, inftead of lofing their courage, felt a fentiment of exultation and triumph; and the earl of Argyle dying about this time, he not only maintained the new doctrines in his last moments, but intreated his fon to promote the public preaching of the gospel, and the utter ruin of fuperftition and idolatry. The archbishop and the prelatès refolved on a furious perfecution of the reformed. Walter Mill, a priest, having been long under the fufpicion of herefy, was carried to St Andrew's, committed to prifon, and accutid before the archbishop and his fuffragans. He was in an extreme old age; and he had ftruggled al his life with poverty. He funk not, however, under the hardness of his fate. To the articles of his accufation he replied with fignal recollection and fortitude. The firmnefs of his mind, in the emaciated ftate of his body, excited admiration. The infults of his enemies and their contempt ferved to discover his fuperiority over them. When the clergy declared him a heretic, no temporal judge could be found to condemn him to the fire. He was refpited to another day; and fo great fympathy prevailed for his misfortunes, that it was neceffary to allure one of the archbishop's domeftics to fupply the place of the civil power, and to pronounce the fentence of condemnation. When brought to the ftake he praifed God that he had been called to feal up the truth with his life; and he conjured the people, as they would efcape eternal death, not to be overcome by the errors and the artifices of morks and priefs, abbots and bishops. The barbarity of this execution affected the reformers with, inexpreffible horror. Subfcriptions for mutual defence were taken. The leaders of the reformation, difperfing their emifiaries to every quarter, encouraged the vehemence of the multitude. The covenant to establish a new form of religion extended far and wide. When the leaders of the reformation were apprifed of the ardent zeal of the people, and confidered the great number of fubferiptions which had been collected in the different counties of the kingdom, they affembled to deliberate concerning the fteps to be purfued. It was refolved, that a public fupplication of the whole body of the Proteftants fhould be prefented to the queen-regent; which, after complaining of the injuries they had fuffered, thould require her to beftow upon them her fupport and affiftance, and urge her to proceed in the work of a reformation. To explain their full meaning, a schedule, containing particular demands, was to be prefented to her fcrutiny. To Sir James Sandilands of Calder they committed the important charge of their manifefto and articles of reformation; and in appointing him to this

Y 2

committion

wicked and licentious lives of the bishops and eftate ecclefiaftical shall be reformed; and if they difcharge not the duties of true and faithful paftors, they fhall be compelled to delift from their miniftry and functions."

Commiffion, they confulted the respect due both to the government and to themselves. His character was in the highest estimation. His fervices to his country were numerous; his integrity and honour were fuperior to all fufpicion; and his age and experience gave him authority and rewerence. The petition of the Proteftants was ex. preffed in ftrong but refpectful terms. They told the queen-regent, that "though they had been provoked by great injuries, they had yet, during a long period, abstained from affembling themselves, and from making known to her their complaints. Banishment, confifcation of goods, and death in its most cruel fhape, were evils with which the reformed had been afflicted; and they were ftill exposed to thefe dreadful calamities. Compelled by their fufferings, they prefumed to ask a remedy againft the tyranny of the prelates and the eftate ecclefiaftical. They had ufurped an unlimited domination over the minds of men. Whatever they commanded, though without any fanction from the word of God, must be obeyed. Whatever they prohibited, though from their own authority only, it was neceffary to avoid. All arguments and remonftrances were equally fruitless and vain. The fire, the faggot, and the fword, were the weapons with which the church enforced and vindicated her mandates. By thefe, of late years, many of their brethren had fallen; and upon this account they were troubled and wounded in their confciences. For conceiving themselves to be a part of that power which God had established in this kingdom, it was their duty to have defended them, or to have concurred with them in an open avowal of their common religion. They now take the opportunity to make this avowal. They break a filence which may be mifinterpreted into & juftification of the cruelties of their enemies; and, difdaining all farther diffimulation in matters which concern the glory of God, their prefent happiness, and their future falvation, they demand that the original purity of the Christian religion hall be reftored, and that the government hall be fo improved, as to afford to them a fecurity in their perfons, their opinions, and their property." With this petition of the Proteftants Sir James Sandilands prefented their schedule of demands, or the preliminary articles of the reformation. They were in the spirit of their fupplication, and of the following tenor. "I It fhall be lawful to the reformed to perufe the Scriptures in the vulgar tongue; and to employ alfo their native language in prayer publicly and in private. II. It fhall be permitted to any perfon qualified by knowledge, to interpret and explain the difficult paffages in the Scriptures. III. The election of minifters hall take place according to the rules of the primitive church; and thofe who elect fhall Inquire diligently into the lives and doctrines of the pertons whom they admit to the clerical office. IV. The holy facrament of baptifm fhall be celebrated in the vulga, tongue, that its inftitution and nature may be the more generally understood. V. The holy facrament of the Lord's Supper fhall likewife Le adminiftered in the vulgar tongue; and in this communion, as well as in the ceremonial of baptifm, a becoming refpect shall be paid to the plain inftitution of Chrit Jefus. VI. The

(54.) SCOTLAND, HISTORY OF, UNDER THE QUEEN DOWAGER, TILL THE MARRIAGE OF QUEEN MARY WITH FRANCIS II. The queenregent now found it neceffary to flatter the Proteftants. She affured them by Sir, James Sandilands, their orator or commiffioner, that every thing they could legally defire should be granted to them; and that, in the mean time, they might without moleftation employ the vulgar tongue in their prayers and religious exercises. But, upon the pretence that no encouragement might be given to tumults and riot, fhe requested that they would hold no public affemblies in Edinburgh or Leith. The Congregation, for this name was now affumed by the Proteftants, were transported with thefe proofs of her regard; and while they fought to advance ftill higher in her efteem by the inoffenfive quietnefs of their carriage, they were encouraged in the undertaking they had begun, and anxious to accomplish the work of the reformation. Nor to the clergy, who at this time were holding a provincial council at Edinburgh, did the Congregation fcruple to communicate the articles of the intended reformation. The clergy received their demands with a ftorm of rage, which died away in an innocent debility. Upon recovering from their paffions, they offered to fubmit the controverfy between them and the reformed to a public difputation. The Congrega tion did not refufe this mode of trial; and defired, as their only conditions, that the Scriptures might be confidered as the ftandards of orthodoxy and truth, and that thofe of their brethren who were in exile and under perfecution might be permitted to affift them. These requests, though reasonable in a high degree, were not complied with; and the church would allow no rule of right but the canon law and its own councils. Terms of reconciliation were then offered on the part of the eftate ecclefiaftical. It held out to the Proteftants the liberty of praying and adminiftering the craments in the vulgar tongue, if they would pay reverence to the mafs, acknowledge purgatory, invoke the faints, and admit of petitions for the dead. To conditions fo ineffectual and abfurd, the Congregation did not deign to return any anfwer. The meeting of the parliament approached. The parties in contention were agitated with anxieties, apprehenfions, and hopes. An expectation of a firm and open affiftance from the queen-regent gave courage to the reformed; and, from the parliamentary influence of their friends in the greater and the leffer baronage, they expected the most important fervices. They drew up with eagernefs the articles which they wished to be paffed into a law; and as the fpirit and fenfe of their tranfactions are to be gathered in the completeft manner from the papers which were framed by themselves, it is proper to attend to them. Their petitions were few and explicit. I. They could not, in confequence of principles which they had embraced from a conviction of their truth, participate in the Romish religion. It

ters in controverfy fhould speedily be brought by her to a fortunate iffue. While the proteftants were thus making the moft vigorous exertions in behalf of their fpiritual liberties, the queen-regent, to establish herself the more effectually, ufed every effort to promote the marriage of her daugh ter with the dauphin of France. In 1557, commiffioners were appointed to negociate this marriage; but while thefe negociations were going on, the court of France acted in the most perfidious manner. At the age of 15, after folemnly ratifying the independency of Scotland, and the fucceffion of the crown in the House of Hamilton, queen Mary was influenced by the king and her' uncles, the princes of Lorrain, to fign privately three extraordinary deeds or inftruments. By the firft the conveyed the kingdom of Scotland to the king of France and his heirs, in the default of children of her own body. By the 2d the affigned him, if he fhould die without children, the poffeffion of Scotland, till he should receive a million of pieces of gold, or to be amply recompenfed for the fums expended by him in the education of the queen of Scotland in France. By the 3d the confirmed both these grants in an exprefs declaration, that they contained the pure and genuine fentiments of her mind; and that any papers which might be obtained, either before or after her marriage, by means of the Scottish parliament fhould be invalid, and of no force nor efficacy. On the 24th of April, the nuptials were celebrated with uncommon pomp; and the dauphin, Francis, was allowed to affume the title of king of Scotland.

was therefore their defire, that all the acts of parliament, giving authority to the church to proceed against them as heretics, fhould be abrogated; or at leaft, that their power should be fufpended till the difputes which had arifen were determined and brought to a conclufion. II. They did not mean that all men fhould be at liberty to profefs what religion they pleased, without the controul of authority. They confented that all tranfgreffors in matters of faith fhould be carried before the temporal judge. But it was their wish that the clergy fhould have only the power to accufe; and they thought it conformable to juftice, that a copy of the criminal charge should be lodged with the party upon trial, and that a competent time fhould be allowed him to defend himself, III. They infifted, that every defence confiftent with law fhould be permitted to the party accu fed; and that objections to witneffes, founded in truth and reafon, fhould operate to his favour. IV. They desired that the party accused should have permiffion to interpret and explain his own opinions; and that his declaration should carry a greater evidence than the depofition of any witnefs; as no perfon ought to be punished for religion, who is not obftinate in a wicked or damnable tenet. V. In fine, they urged, that no Proteftant should be condemned for herefy, without being convicted, by the word of God, of the want of that faith which is neceffary to falvation. The congregation prefented thefe articles to the queen-regent, expecting that the would not only propose them to the three eftates assembled in parliament, but employ all her influence to recommend them. But finding themselves disappointed, they began to fufpect her fincerity; and they were fenfible that their petitions, though they fhould be carried in parliament, could not pafs into a law without her confent. They therefore abstained from prefenting them: but as their complaints and defires were fully known in parlia. ment, they ordered a folemu declaration to be read there in their behalf, and demanded that it fhould be inferted in the records of the nation. In this declaration, after expreffing their regret for having been disappointed in their fcheme of reformation, they protefted, that no blame fhould be imputed to them for continuing in their religion, which they believed to be founded in the word of God; that no danger of life, and no political pains should be incurred by them, for difregarding ftatutes which fupport idolatry, and for violating rites which are of human invention; and that, if infurrections and tumults should dif. turb the realm, from the diverfity of religious opinions, and if abuses should be corrected by violence, all the guilt, diforder, and inconvenience thence arifing, inftead of being applied to them, fhould be afcribed folely to those who had refufed a timely redress of wrongs, and who had defpifed petitions presented with the humility of faithful fubjects, and for the purposes of eftablishing the commandments of God, and a moft just and falu tary reformation. The three eftates received this proteft with attention and respect; but the inten. tion of inferting it in the national records was abandoned by the congregation, upon a formal promife from the queen regent, that all the mat

(55) SCOTLAND, HISTORY OF, UNDER THE QUEEN-REGENT, TILL THE DESTRUCTION OF THE MONASTERIES. The French court demanded for the dauphin the crown and other enfigns of royalty belonging to Scotland; but the commiffioners had no power to comply with their requeft. It was then defired, that when they returned home, they should use all their influence to procure the crown matrimonial of Scotland for the dauphin. This also was refused; the court of France was disgusted; and four of the commif. fioners died, it was fuppofed, of poison, given them by the princes of Lorrain. This fubject, however, was preffed, on the return of the surviving commiffioners, by the king of France himself, the queen of Scotland, and the queen-regent. The Protestants also joined their interest, hoping thereby to gain over the queen and queen-regent to their party; fo that an act of parliament was at length paffed, by which the crown matrimonial was given to the dauphin during the time of his marriage with queen Mary; but without any prejudice to the liberties of the kingdom, to the heirs of her body, or to the order of fucceffion. With fo many reftraints, it is difficult to fee the advantages which could accrue from this gift so earnestly fought after; and it is very probable, that the ufurpations of France in confequence of it, would have been productive of many disturbances; but thefe were prevented by the death of Francis II. in Dec. 1560. But before this event took place, Scotland was, by the intrigues of France, invol ved in confufion on another account. After the death of Mary I. queen of England, and daughter

to

to Henry VIII. the princes of Guife infifted on the claim of Mary queen of Scots to the crown of England, in preference to that of Elifabeth, whom they looked upon as illegitimate. This claim was fupported by the king of France, who prevailed with the queen of Scots herself to af fume the title of queen of England, and to ftamp money under that character The arms of Eng. land were quartered with thofe of France and Scotland; and employed as ornaments for the plate and furniture of Mary and the dauphin. Thus was laid the foundation of an irreconcileable quarrel between Elifabeth and Mary; and to this we may afcribe the inveteracy with which the former perfecuted the unhappy queen of Scotland, at every time she had it in her power. But while they imprudently excited a quarrel with England, they yet more imprudently quarrelled alfo with the majority of the people of Scotland. As Elifabeth profeffed the Proteftant religion, it was easily forefeen, that the Congregation, or body of the reformed in Scotland, would never confent to act against her in favour of a Popish power; and as they could not be gained, it was refolved to deftroy them at once, by putting to death all their leaders. The queen-regent gave intimation of her design to re-establish Popery, by proclaiming a folemn obfervance of Eafter, receiving the facrament according to the Romish communion, herfelf, and commanding all her household to receive it in the fame manner. She next expreffed herself in a contemptuous manner against the reformed, affirmed that they had infulted the royal dignity, and declared her intention of restoring it to its ancient luftre. The preachers of the Congregation were next cited to appear at Stirling, to anfwer the charges which might be brought a gainst them. Alexander earl of Glencairn, and Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudon, were deputed to admonish her not to perfecute the preachers, unlefs they had been obnoxious, by circulating erroneous doctrines, or disturbing the peace of government. The queen-regent, in a paffion, told them, that the preachers fhould be all banished Scotland, though their doctrines were as found as thofe of St Paul. The deputies urged her former kind behaviour and promifes; but the queen-regent answered, that "the promises of princes ought not to be exacted with rigour, and that they were binding only when fubfervient to their conveniency and pleasure." To this they replied, that in fuch a cafe they could not look upon her as their sovereign, and muft renounce their allegiance as fubjects. Soon after this transaction, the queen-regent received the news that the reformation was eftablished in Perth. Lord Ruthven, the provoft of the city, was fummoned to answer for this innovation; but his reply was, that he had no do minion over the minds and confciences of men. The provost of Dundee, being ordered to appre hend an eminent preacher, named Paul Methven, fent him intelligence of the order, that he might provide for his fafety. The proclamation for ob ferving Eafter was every where defpifed and neglected, and people exclaimed against the mafs as an idol. New citations, in the mean time, had been given to the preachers to appear at Stirling. They obeyed the summons; but attended by fuch

multitudes, that the queen-regent, dreading their power, though they were without arms, intreated Mr Erskine of Dun, whom they had fent before as a deputy, to ftop their march; affuring him that all proceedings againft the preachers fhould be ftop. ped. In confequence of this, the multitude difmifsed; yet, when the day came on which the preachers fhould have appeared, the queen-regent, with unparalleled folly as well as treachery, caufed them to be declared traitors, and proclaimed it criminal to afford them any fubfiftence. Mr Erskine, exasperated by this shameful conduct, haftened to the Congregation, apologised for his conduct, and urged them to proceed to the last extremities. At this critical period alfo John Knox returned from Geneva, and joined the Congregation at Perth. Knox, afcending the pulpit, pointed all the thunder of his eloquence against idolatry. A prieft, in contempt of this reformer's rhetoric, prepared immediately after his fermon to fay mafs; and opening a cafe, which stood upon the altar, difplayed the images of the faints. The great provocations which the Proteftants had received, joined to the impetuous paffions of the multitude thus excited, were now productive of the greateft diforders. Images were deftroyed, monasteries pulled down, and their wealth either feized by the mob or given to the poor. The celebrated monafteries of the Grey and Black Friars, with that of the Carthufians, were attacked and demolished. The example of Perth was followed by Cupar in Fife; and fimilar infurrections being apprehended in other places, the queen-regent determined to punish the inhabitants of Perth in the moft exemplary manner. But the gentlemen of Fife, Angus, and Mearns, affembling their friends and dependants, formed a camp near Perth. The earl of Glencairn, with admirable celerity, advanced from Ayrshire with 2500 men. The queen-dowager alfo collected an army, but being opposed by such a formidable power by the Proteftants, fhe thought porper to conclude an agreement. The proteftants, however, dreaded her infincerity; and therefore entered into a fe cond covenant to ftand by and defend one another. Their fears were not vain. The queen-regent violated the treaty almoft as foon as made, and began to treat the Proteftants with feverity. The earl of Argyle, and the prior of St Andrew's, who about this time began to take the title of lord James Stuart, now openly headed the Proteftant party, and prepared to collect their whole ftrength. The queen-regent opposed them with what forces fhe had, and which indeed chiefly confifted of her French auxiliaries; but, being a gain afraid of coming to an engagement, she con. fented to a truce until commiffioners fhould be fent to treat with the lords of an effectual peace. No commiffioners, however, were sent on her part; and the nobles, provoked at such compli cated and unceasing treachery, refolved to pusk matters to the utmoft extremity. The firft explot of the reformed was the taking of the town of Perth, where the queen-regent had placed a French garrifon The multitude, elated with this achievement, deftroyed the palace and abbey of SCONE, in ipite of all the endeavours of their lea ders, and even of john Knox himself, to save them.

The

The queen-regent, apprehenfive that the congregation would commit farther ravages to the fouthward, refolved to throw a garrifon into Stirling; but the earl of Argyle and lord James Stuart were too quick for her, and arrived there the very day after the demolition of the abbey and palace of Scone. The people, incapable of reftraint, and provoked beyond measure by the perfidious behaviour of the catholic party, demolished all the monafteries in the neighbourhood, together with the fine abbey of Cambufkenneth, fituated on the bank of the Forth. From Stirling they went to Linlithgow, where they committed their ufual ravages upon every thing that they reckoned relics of idolatry; after which, they advanced to Edinburgh. The queen-regent, alarmed at their approach, fled to Dunbar; and the proteftants took up their refidence in Edinburgh.

(56.) SCOTLAND, HISTORY OF, UNDER THE QUEEN-REGENT, TILL HER DEGRADATION FROM THAT OFFICE. The congregation, having thus got poffeffion of the capital, affumed to themselves the ruling power of the kingdom, appointing preachers in all the churches, and feized the mint, with all the inftruments of coinage. The queen-regent, unable to dispute the matter in the field, published a manifefto, in which she set forth their feditious behaviour, commanding them to leave Edinburgh within fix hours, and enjoining her fubjects to avoid their fociety under the pain of treafon. The congregation having already loft fomewhat of their popularity by their violent proceedings, were now incapable of coping with government. As they had not established themfelves in any regular body, or provided a fund for their fupport, they felt their ftrength decay, and multitudes of them returned to their habitations. Thofe who remained found themselves obliged to vindicate their conduct; and, in an addrefs to the regent, to difclaim all treasonable intentions. Negociations again took place, which ended as ufual; the queen regent, who had taken this opportunity of collecting her forces, marched against the congregation on the 23d of July 1559. The proteftants now found themselves incapable of making head against their enemies; and there. fore entered into a negociation, by which all differences were for the prefent accommodated. The terms of this treaty were, that the town of Edinburgh fhould be open to the queen-dowager and her attendants; that the palace of Holyrood houfe and the mint fhould be delivered up to her; that the proteftants fhould be subject to the laws, and abftain from molefting the Roman catholics in the exercise of their religion. On the queen's part, it was agreed, that the proteftants fhould have the free exercise of their religion, and that no foreign troops should enter the city of Edinburgh. Notwithstanding this treaty, the reformed had no confidence in the queen's fincerity. Having heard of the death of Henry II. of France, and the acceflion of Francis II. and Mary to that kingdom, they seem to have dreaded more danger than ever. They now entered into a third covenant; in which they engaged to refuse attendance to the queen-dowager, in cafe of any meffage or letter; and that immediately on the receipt of any notice from her to any of their number, it should be

communicated without referve, and be made a common fubject of fcrutiny and deliberation. It was not long before they had occasion for all their conftancy and ftrength. The queen-regent repented of the favourable terms the had granted the reformed; and being denied the favour which the requested of faying mafs in the high-church of Edinburgh, the ordered them to be everywhere difturbed in the exercise of their religion. In this imprudent measure, the queen-regent was confirmed by letters which now came from Francis and Mary, promising a powerful army to support her interefts. The envoy who brought thefe difpatches alfo carried letters to lord James Stuart, now the principal leader of the, protestants, and natural brother to the queen. These letters were filled with reproaches and menaces, mixed with intreaties; and along with them the envoy delivered a verbal meffage, that the king his mafter was refolved rather to expend all the treasures of France, than not to be revenged on the rebellious nobles who had disturbed the peace of Scotland. Lord James Stuart was not to be frightened by thefe menaces. He returned a cool and deliberate answer, apologizing for the proteftants, and vindicating them from the charge of rebellion; but at the fame time intimating his full refolution of continuing to head the reformed, as he had already done. The letters of Francis and Mary were foon followed by 1000 French foldiers, with money and military ftores; and the commander was immediately difpatched again to France, to folicit the affiftance of as many more foldiers, with four fhips of war, and 100 men at arms. But before he could fet out, La Broffe, another French commander, arrived with 2000 infantry; and that the congregation might be defeated not only by arms but in difputation, the fame ihip brought three doctors of the Sorbonne, to show the pernicious tendency of the new doctrines. Thus matters were pushed on beyond all hopes of reconciliation. The nation was univerfally alarmed on account of the introduction of French troops, to which they faw no end. The queen-regent attempted to quiet the minds of the public by a proclamation; but their fears increased the more. The congregation assembled at Stirling, where they were joined by the earl of Arran, and foon after by his father the duke of Chatelherault. They next deliberated on the measures to be followed with the queenregent; and the refult of their confultations was, that an expoftulatory letter fhould be addressed to her. This was accordingly done; but as the queen behaved with her ufual duplicity, the nobles called the people to arms. Mutual manifestoes were now published; and both parties prepared to decide the conteft by the fword. The congregation having feized Broughty castle, marched thence to Edinburgh. The queen-regent retired to Leith, which fhe had fortified and filled with French troops. Thither the nobles fent their laft meffage to her, charging her with a design to overthrow the liberties of the kingdom. They requefted her to command her Frenchmen and mercenaries to depart from Leith, and to make that place open and patent, not only to the inhabitants who had been difpoffeffed of their houses, but to all the inhabitants of Scotland. They de

clared;