tective duties presupposes that after a certain time they will no longer be necessary. Both parties, as regards their opinions, are equally upright, honest, patriotic, and eager to increase the happiness of their country. We should therefore exercise every forbearance, and constantly exhibit moderation and affability towards each other."

Let us now hear Webster. " I think," says he, "that a tariff with moderate rates and carefully prepared, is useful for the country. If the proceeds of the customs add to the surplus revenue, the duties must be reduced, even at the hazard of injuring some branches of manufacturing industry; because this, in my opinion, would be a less evil, than that extraordinary and dangerous state of things, in which the United States should be found laying and collecting taxes, for the purpose of distributing them, when collected, among the states of the Union."*

On these sensible, moderate views we will rest our hopes; and we will not animadvert or lay any great stress upon the fact that Clay, yielding to the zeal of many of his adherents, designated the present tariff-which was drawn up with the greatest haste in the moment of necessity, and passed through the Senate only by a majority of one-as unalterable.† Injurious as unnecessary changes in tariffs may appear, it is just as certain that there is scarcely any part of legislation which more frequently needs alteration; because the circumstances on which the scale of duties depend are constantiy varying. Errors on both sides will best be avoided by leaving self-interest and partizanship out of the question.

Webster sneers at the demand of the democrats for a "judicious" tariff, on account of the general nature of the term, though the same objection applies to the demand of the whigs for a "sound" currency; but it would be unjust to deduce the extreme of absurdity from such preliminary general expressions. Webster's too violent accusation, that "the democratic party meditate the utter destruction, root and branch, of the whole system of domestic protection,"‡ would deserve severer censure, had he not in a cooler moment very commendably said: "I am quite sure that a calm and dispassionate consideration of this whole subject, by intelligent and enlightened men on either side of the Potomac, would result in the conviction that there is really no such wide difference, in regard to what the interests of the different parts of the country require, as ought either to endanger the security of the Union, or create ill will. For myself, I fully and conscientiously believe that, in regard to this whole question, the interest of the North and East is entirely reconcilable to the real, solid, and permanent interest of the South and West." *

All sensible persons, and those in America form after all the great majority in this respect, are agreed that the duties should not be wholly done away with, and not be equally high for all articles; that ad valorem duties are very difficult to estimate, and lead to inequalities and frauds; that a new examination is necessary as to what articles should in future be admitted duty-free; and that payment of the duties in bank-notes of doubtful value should not be allowed. Thus the field of dispute is narrowed down to the amount and gradation of the duties to a mere question of more or less.

As every duty carries with it a direct or indirect protection, while to an average duty of 20 per cent. on imports there are to be added about 15 per cent. for freight, insurance, damage, &c., the American manufacturer enjoys in this case an advantage of 35 per cent. If this will not suffice, even the considerate advocates of protective duties must allow that forced trades are not advantageous and proper, but are artificial and injurious to all. Hence it is said by Brough, the auditor of the State of Ohio: "In consequence of the increase of our duties, the English have set up a system of retaliation; which forms a complete obstruction to trade. The agriculturists of the West experience this first, both in the lessened value of their produce, and in the diminution of the income from their canals and other public works. The deficiency must be covered by new taxes-an evil consequence of the recent measures of our government!"†

Another inevitable consequence of high duties is, as before remarked, the practice of smuggling. For, the assertion that "all Americans are too honest and too patriotic to engage in this culpable employment," may well admit of doubt; at least legislators should not-contrary to the Paternoster-lead them into temptation. Neither can the possibility of smuggling over the northern boundary and on the sea-coast of America, be denied. "In consequence," says Stephens, "of the heavy duties on regular importations into Mexico, most articles are smuggled in from Balize and Guatimala. Indeed, smuggling is carried on to such an extent, that many articles are regularly sold for less than the duties."‡ Now is not this a lamentable and wretched state of things, where the smuggler defends the natural liberty of the people, against the despotism and partiality of their legislators?

That with the increase of trade and population in America, a moderate duty will suffice to cover the public expenditure, is not

The

to be doubted; and it will also (it amounts to several millions) certainly suffice to protect the home manufactures. Indeed the required amount might be raised with lower rates of duties, if a slight tax were laid on some articles, as tea and coffee, which now come in free. The reason assigned for this free admission, viz. the good of the people, would appear much more commendable and receive greater credence, were it not too flimsy to hide the real object, which is to raise the protective duties all the higher, and thus take with one hand more than the other gives. * revenues may increase either with rising or falling duties; a system of duties may fill the treasury, and still be good for nothing. It is true that consumption increases with the ability to buy; but this ability does not augment in direct proportion to higher rates of duties, or in consequence of the protection granted to certain branches of manufacture. There are in the world as many poor agriculturists as there are poor manufacturers, and equally stringent tariffs have not elevated the different nations to the same degree of prosperity. In the most recent times the states of Europe have proceeded on a vast many different principles: while one has retained its older tariff, a second has raised it, and a third lowered it.

Facts such as these must put an end to the superstitious notions respecting the omnipotence of a tariff, and cause a return from extravagant hopes and fears, to that moderate course, which alone contains within itself the earnest of its duration, and leads to universal contentment.

The relations also with foreign countries, especially with Germany, will be improved by a judicious adjustment of the American tariff. That the treaty with the Zollverein proposed this summer would not be accepted in Washington, might have been foretold without the gift of prophecy. For there were united against it the momentary dislike of President Tyler and the intrigues relative to the choice of his successor, the ignorance of the Americans respecting German affairs, the zeal of all the friends of high protective duties, the short-sightedness of some of the Hanseatic corporations, the interference of England, &c. It is to be regretted that there was not some respected, well informed ambassador at hand, to represent the interests of Germany, to allay prejudices, and combat ill will; but all was left to chance, or rather was given into the hands of jealous rivals. As however the sagacity, activity, and concurrence of the American minister Wheaton failed to make any impression, certainly no endeavors of the most able German ambassador would have succeeded; still he might have prepared the way for the future, removed obstacles, and corrected errors. Thus for instance, it was asked whether Bavaria or Prussia was the larger state! It was asserted that North America had no trade with Germany, but only with the Hanse towns, and that this must come to an end with the expiration of the treaty! It was forgotten that the Hanse towns, and also Rotterdam and Antwerp, re-export to Germany most of their imports, and that on the reduction of the tariff they would import and export still more. Men allowed themselves to be persuaded that Prussia merely wished by means of this treaty to force the Hanse towns, Oldenburg, and Hanover, to enter into the Zollverein, and would then take back the privileges which she now offered to the United States. England claimed that, according to existing treaties, she must be treated in the same manner as the most favored nation; and that consequently any reduction of duties that might be allowed to Germany, must not be refused to herself. That Germany would make considerable concessions in return for these allowances, instead of receiving a large donation gratis, the English ambassador very well knew; * but of course he did not bring forward this point, and was glad that neither Germans nor Americans publicly availed themselves of it. When England puts its duties as low as Germany, whose tariff taken altogether is the lowest in the world, America can concede to her the same advantage. But in regulating the commerce between two great nations, men ought not to proceed in a petty, shopkeeping spirit, and cast up deceptive penny reckonings; but should seek with enlarged views to promote freer development and closer intercourse. It is to be hoped that under the presidentship of Polk this course will be adopted, the merits of Wheaton recognised, and the purely American question respecting the participation of the House of Representatives in making commercial treaties easily answered. If Germany and America will moderate their tariffs of their own free will, the desired end will be attained, without any necessity for making treaties and thereby tying up each other's hands.

CHAPTER XXIV.

THE ARMY, MILITIA, AND NAVY.

Number of the Army-Division, Officers-West Point-Army Expenses-The Militia-The Navy-Standing Armies.

NOWHERE hardly is there exhibited so great a difference between European countries and the United States, as in respect to the army and the defence of the country. I will first communicate a few facts, and then append my remarks.

After the peace of 1783, there were retained as a standing

army only

in 1790, the army numbered

According to a resolution of the 23d of August, 1842, the regu

lar force was to be reduced to 3,920 men;† it consisted however in 1843 of 7,590 men, among whom were 650 dragoons, 2,100 artillery-men, 4,400 infantry, 650 riflemen, &c. In the year 1844 the army numbered 8,616 men.

The gradual increase of the army to between eight and nine thousand men, is censured by many as excessive; it is however justified by others, who declare that this number, spread over a surface of such immense extent, is too small, rather than too large. The English, it is said, keep a comparatively far stronger force in Canada; against attacks or ill conduct on the part of the Indians, a quick protection is required; and at all events there is needed a body of practised men, to whom in case of war the militia may be attached. For this last reason there are placed in the American army at least three times as many officers as in other countries; and there is a very well conducted institution at West Point, for educating and training them. It numbers on an average 250 pupils, and has 30 teachers and assistants. It is richly provided with a library and every requisite for military education;‡ and a secondary result by no means unimportant is, that the youths