headed, and more than uncourteous, the doing so would not tend to remedy the mischief. But we may express a confident opinion and hope that the Federal Government and the nation at large must be satisfied that this is not a question for the decision of the individual State-the State can have no claim beyond the ancient limits of the province of Massachusetts, and no one, we believe, beyond the limits of Maine, seriously contends that old Massachusetts had a right to any portion of the disputed territory-that territory is not and never was claimed under the first article of the treaty as part of the then existing Massachusetts, but as the result of the boundaries created by the second article; and any additional territory ceded by that article would constitutionally, as we apprehend, belong to the United States as a nation, and not to the state of Maine. Hear, again, what Mr. Gallatin said at Ghent :— That northern boundary is of no importance to us, and belongs to the United States and not to Massachusetts, which has not the shadow of a claim to any land north of 45° to the eastward of the Penobscot.' But this, however it may be, is really an internal question, with which we have nothing to do our discussion is international: and the Federal Government-whether it has an inherent right to decide the question, as we, on American evidence, believe, or whether it is bound to obtain the assent of the State of Maine-is, in any case, the only authority with which the British nation has to negociate. And though the General Government seems to have, on particular occasions, shifted its ground, or, at least, varied its opinions, on this point, we gather from the general tone of Mr. Gallatin's pamphlet, as well as from other circumstances, that no further objections of this captious and untenable nature will be countenanced; and believing, as we have said and, we hope, proved, that—in the strictest construction of which this clumsy treaty admits-the balance of strict interpretation is in our favour, while all the equity and probable intention of the negociators is clearly with us-believing this, we say, to be the real state of the case, we cannot but hope that the General Government will consent to some modification of their claims, which, without abandoning any real and valuable interests of the United States, may leave to England the course of the river St. John, which is essential not only to the administrative communications and territorial unity of the British colonies, but still more seriously important to the future tranquillity of those regions, and to the permanence of the amicable relations between the two countries. But whatever may be the ulterior views and arrangements of the governments, there is one object of the most pressing emer gency gency which ought to be immediately provided for-we mean the daily and hourly risk of hostile collision between the subjects and citizens of the two countries on the disputed territory. Let a convention be forthwith concluded, forbidding either party, pendente lite, to pass the St. John; and-saving, in the fullest manner, all public and private rights-let the temporary jurisdiction of the territories on the right bank of the St. John, down to the north line, be administered by the American authorities, and on the left by the British. This would make, for the moment, a pretty nearly equal division of the disputed ground, and would, without in any way prejudicing existing rights or compromising eventual interests, avert the risk of that enormous calamity-hostile collision-and keep the question safely open for a mature examination, and, it may be hoped, a satisfactory, and final settlement. Either of the nations (if such a result can be imagined) which should reject so equitable, so conciliatory and so just a provisional arrangement, would stand responsible to the world for all the consequences of such unreasonable conduct, and would enlist against herself the feelings as well as the judgment of mankind. ART. IX.-1. Columbanus ad Hibernos, or Letters from Columban to his Friend in Ireland. London. 8vo. 1810. 2. The Case of the Church of Ireland, stated in a Letter to the Marquess Wellesley. By Declan. Dublin. 8vo. 1823. 3. National Schools of Ireland Defended. By Francis Sadleir, S.F.T.C.D. Dublin. 8vo. 1835. 4. Historical Sketches of the Native Irish. By Christopher Anderson. Edinburgh. 12mo. 1830. 5. Ireland: its Evils traced to their Source. By the Rev. J. R. Page, A.B. London. 12mo. 1836. 6. A Plea for the Protestants of Ireland, in a Letter to Lord Morpeth. By a Witness before the Committee on Education. Dublin. 8vo. 1840. 7. Impartial View of Maynooth College. By Eugene Francis O'Beirne, late Student of Maynooth. Dublin. 12mo. 1835. 8. Holy Wells of Ireland. By Philip Dixon Hardy, M.R.I.A. Second Edition. Dublin. 8vo. 1830. 9. Irish Tranquillity. By Anthony Meyler, M.D. Dublin. 10. Ireland: the Policy of Reducing the Established Church. By J. C. Colquhoun, Esq. Glasgow. 1836. 11. Maynooth College; or, the Law affecting the Grant to Maynooth. 8vo. 1841. IN IN resuming the task, which was commenced in our last Number, of drawing attention to the real condition of Irelandthere are two points which we must entreat our readers to bear in mind. First, that the facts alleged are perfectly distinct from the hypothesis suggested to account for them. There may be no such thing as a Jesuitical influence in Ireland— the notion may be a wild fancy, and nothing more; and yet it will still be true that Popery lies at the root of the evils of that unhappy country-that it has been for generations busy in instigating rebellion-that outrages to an enormous extent are yearly perpetrated that they are directly connected with religion-that their effect is to weaken and intimidate the Established Church, and all who would support it-that features in the conspiracy by which they are instigated bear a remarkable resemblance to Jesuitism-and that Jesuitism has in all preceding times been the arm employed by Popery for the restoration of its influence in Ireland. Secondly, it should be remembered that the object we have in view is, principally, inquiry. Evidence, wholly insufficient jury, may be more than adequate as given to a magistrate of police. To draw out the whole proof of the workings of Romanism must require time and space, and a multitude of hands and heads, far beyond the command of any but the Government itself: But the sources have been suggested from which information is to be derived, and from which our own conclusions have been drawn. It has been explained why more direct evidence cannot be obtained: why names cannot be published: why witnesses will not come forward: why any statement made, even on the highest authority, will be exposed to direct contradiction; and that, although every reader may be wise in suspending his judgment on such statements, no one has a right to pronounce them false until he has examined their foundation. To resume then-we spoke, in our last Number, of a body, little known in England, called The Christian Brothers.' An effort has been recently made to draw a favourable attention to them by one of the chief organs of the Romish press.* In Waterford, Cork, Limerick, Dublin, and in some of the manufacturing towns in England, these very interesting institutions have spread rapidly within about twenty-five years. They consist of small monastic bodies, devoting themselves to the education of the poor. And a stranger, who passes cursorily through their large and well-arranged schools, and sees the simple, zealous, paternal devotion to their work which characterises especially the younger portion of the members, will be struck with the contrast between these esta *Dublin Review. blishments blishments and our own ill-regulated national schools, ruled only under one paid master; nor will he be surprised to hear that t is to these bodies, multiplied and extended, that Romanism is now looking for the conversion of the lower orders in England.' There are in Ireland about eighty of these Brothers, dispersed in various houses; not wholly dependent on charity (as has recently been asserted), for in Cork, Limerick, and Waterford, they seem to possess some property of their own: but they educate, except under certain conditions, gratuitously. Now if these excellent men (and we really believe them to be such) were taken from the entire seclusion, ignorance of the world, and habits of blind obedience in which they are trained up, and were placed before a committee of the House of Lords, we should like to ask a simple question:-How many of them are aware that they are in fact nothing but tools in the hands of the Jesuits?-How many of them know that any connexion whatever exists between them and the Jesuits? Out of the whole eighty, about ten or twelve only, we believe, and those the Superiors, are acquainted with this remarkable fact. And we are quite sure that the question here put will not be allowed to reach them, for they are not permitted to read anything which does not come to them through the hands of the Superiors. Now may we be allowed to connect with these hints a few questions and questions, it must be added, not to be met by vague denials and violent abuse? We ask what influence procured the brief from the Pope establishing the Order in Ireland? Was it Dr. Kenny, the present Jesuit head of Clongowesa person, it may be suggested, to whom the minute and very vigilant attention of government might have been wisely directed for many years, and may be directed with advantage now? Was this brief obtained on a statement, that the majority of the Roman Catholic bishops in Ireland recommended the institute, while only a very small minority was in its favour? Were the Christian Brothers' at first averse to the system proposed to them by the Jesuits? At a general meeting of the body, was a protest about to be entered into? and did Dr. Kenny persuade Mr. Rice, the nominal founder, to dismiss the meeting, on the ground of its being too numerous to be canonical? Was subsequently a smaller meeting brought together, where the influence of the Jesuits prevailed, and the Brothers were induced to adopt their system? Did they vainly endeavour, again and again, at many angry meetings, to shake off the yoke, till, overcome by artifice, terrified by the threats of the Romish Church, and exhausted in their attempts, they at last succumbed, and have ever since been held-unconsciously, except in the case of the Superiors-in VOL LXVII. NO. CXXXIV. 2 N the the hands of the Jesuits; the General of the Jesuits moving Dr. Kenny, Dr. Kenny commanding the Superior of the Order, the Superior nominating the Directors, and all the other Brethren being bound to yield to them the most implicit obedience, as one of the chief virtues of their religious calling? Again, it has been distinctly stated that the Christian Brothers in Ireland have no connexion with those in France. We ask, when, fifteen years ago, an attempt was made to organise the system more perfectly, did Ignatius Barry, and Bernard Dunphy (a name known to parliamentary committees), go to France? Did they spend six months in visiting the houses of the Brethren in France? Did they remain for some time in the principal training-house in France? Did they bring back with them, for the institution, books written by Jesuits-religious devotions peculiarly characteristic of the Jesuits-works kept in manuscript, and not printed? Especially are the decrees by which the body is secretly governed carefully kept from the knowledge of the Brethren until they have taken the vows for life, in the presence of those only who have professed for life themselves? Are these decrees of such a nature as to shock even those who find that they are bound by them? We would suggest also that some inquiries might be made as to exposures which have lately been made in France on the subject of these Christian Brothers. Lastly, how is this profession for life, or the evasive profession of vows for terms of years, to be reconciled with the so-called Emancipation Act, which, under a fear of Jesuitism, whether visionary and delusive or not, did prohibit everything of the kind, under the penalty of banishment from the United Kingdom for life? * Let us turn to another institution-the Society for the Propagation of the Faith. And here also we wish distinctly to be understood as speaking upon information on which we have every reason to rely; but as suggesting subjects for inquiry, without which, and without further information, statements like these must fairly be open to distrust. This Society has been spreading in Ireland and in England about two years;-its name perfectly innocent of Jesuitismand nothing to excite observation but that natural zeal for proselytism, at which, when exhibited within our own Church, Dr. Doyle was so shocked and scandalised. It has now, we believe, extended through the greater number of the Romish dioceses, and includes most of their bishops. Its object appears to be fourfold. One is, to raise by a very curious decimal organization subscriptions of a halfpenny a week, for the purpose of propagating the faith. These are collected * 10 Geo. IV., c. 7, sec. 34. by |