Maryland Politics and Political Communication, 1950-2005Maryland Politics and Political Communication, 1950-2005 is not a survey of all that occurred between 1950 and 2005. Rather, this book focuses on a set of interesting political events in which communication is a very important variable. These events, be they elections or episodes of governance, are also_arguably_the most dramatic ones during the period. It begins with an examination of George Wallace's 1964 and 1972 campaigns in the state's Democratic presidential primary, considers William Donald Schaefer's flamboyant communication strategies as Baltimore mayor and the vicious 1986 U.S. Senate campaign between Democrat Barbara Mikulski and Linda Chavez, and runs through the 2002 gubernatorial race between Kathleen Kennedy Townsend and Robert L. Ehrlich. Sheckels highlights the similarities and differences between political communication at state and national levels and looks forward to questions and scenarios that may emerge in future elections. |
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Maryland Politics and Political Communication, 1950-2005 Theodore F. Sheckels Eingeschränkte Leseprobe - 2006 |
Maryland Politics and Political Communication, 1950-2005 Theodore F. Sheckels Keine Leseprobe verfügbar - 2006 |
Häufige Begriffe und Wortgruppen
advertisements African American Agnew appeared areas attacks audience August Baltimore Black called campaign candidates Chapter Charles Chavez civil claim close communication conservative County course Craig Daniel LeDuc deal Democrats demonstrators effect Ehrlich election especially example fact George Glendening Glendening's governor gubernatorial House important increase interest issues Lane late leaders legislature liberal look Lori Montgomery Mahoney major Maryland matter mayor McKeldin Michael Mikulski moderate narrative needed negative noted November October offered party perhaps played political politician polls positive President Press primary Prince George's question race rallies record Republican response result rhetorical Robert running Sauerbrey Sauerbrey's Schaefer seemed Senate September served Shore Southern speech story strategy successful suggest television term tion Townsend Tydings University victory viewers vote voters Wallace wanted Washington Post
Beliebte Passagen
Seite 35 - A ritual view of communication is not directed toward the extension of messages in space but the maintenance of society in time ; not the act of imparting information but the representation of shared beliefs.
Seite 54 - But with all the imperfections of our present government, it is without comparison the best existing, or that ever did exist.
Seite 22 - Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Packaging the Presidency: A History and Criticism of Presidential Campaign Advertising, New York: Oxford University Press, 1984, pp.
Seite 160 - Brugger, Maryland: A Middle Temperament, 1634-1980 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988), p.
Seite 99 - He envies those of his brethren who have distinguished themselves in science, music, art, and he says that if he had it to do all over again, he would not think of a business career.
Seite 72 - Buzz Bissinger, A Prayer for the City (New York: Random House, 1997), 202. 9. Marc V. Levine, La reconquete de Montreal (Montreal: VLB Editeur, 1997); Mario Polese, "La these du ddclin economique de Montreal, revue et corrigee," L'Actualite economique 66, no.
Seite 115 - Campaign Contributions Don't Always Buy Influence" (editorial), Columbus Dispatch, May 29, 2001, p. 6A. 9. See, for example, Karen S. Johnson-Cartee and Gary A. Copeland, Manipulation of the American Voter: Political Campaign Commercials (Westport, Conn.: Praeger Press, 1997).
Seite 51 - You were beguiled by the rationalizations of unity; you were intimidated by veiled threats; you were stung by accusations that you were "Mr. Charlie's boy,
Seite 53 - In our frailty and human selfishness, we have too often shut our minds and our consciences to our black countrymen. We need to respond to conscience rather than react to violence. We must aggressively move for progress— not out of fear of reprisal, but out of certain faith that it is right.
Seite 87 - The Mikulski-Chavez campaign has been assumed to be an exception to two "rules": attack advertisements work, and the attacked must respond. Upon close examination, the campaign proves not to be an exception at all. First, Chavez's attacks did, to some extent, work. Her initial wave of attack advertising (those targeting Mikulski as too liberal for Maryland) did cost Mikulski support.
